The Lame Duck Government

The PPP government seems to be groping in darkness. It is definitely directionless and is confused about getting out of the morass it is in presently. The prime minister is decidedly not independent in his decision making. The power obviously rests with Co Chairman of PPP who draws his strength from Bhutto family’s sacrifices and the will bequeathed by late Benazir Bhutto. With a heavy load of countless problems ranging from providing electricity to building of a stable institutional frame-work, the party is bogged down. The first hundred days treated as litmus test for a nascent government to unfurl its policies, and set the sails of governance, have gone waste.

Even after four months of assuming power, the new government has not been able to overcome the Judges’ issue, nor has it formulated any blue prints for addressing the mess that has crept into almost every sphere of society. Lawlessness, chronic water and electricity shortage, poverty, escalating prices and a host of other social services are still abysmal. Political reconciliation that was at the top of the PPP’s agenda has made the national fabric further porous. The religious frenzy manifesting itself with deadly attacks on the soil of Pakistan has robbed the society of its peace. After a brief lull, the tribal belt is ablaze with brazen militancy and unprecedented armed insurgency against the Pakistan army. It is indeed a new frightening dimension, as the enraged and revengeful tribal warriers have braced themselves both against the Pakistan army personnel and the NATO forces. An army is fighting against its own people at the behest of the imperial invaders. Woefully, the democratic government in Pakistan has to be a party to the most ignoble agenda of expansionism launched by the neo-colonialists.

At the same time, Pakistan Peoples Party is faced with internal cracks and dissent. There is a faction within the party that has been willfully sidetracked by the group in power. There is a strong probability that very soon this neglected group which has, thus far, remained reticent, may come out openly to challenge the big wigs of the party leadership and their policies. Naheed Khan a prominent member of the PPP hierarchy and a close friend of the deceased Chairman Benazir Bhutto has castigated Asif Zardari for some of his erratic decisions. She even accused him of giving an image to the party as playing second fiddle to Pervez Musharraf. There seems to be growing discontent in the party for inertia, disregarding the pressing issues or putting them in a state of limbo. The party is also not in a mood to take seriously the parting of the Nawaz Muslim League from power sharing.

There is no visible spectacle indicating an intention to make a break from the past and initiation of radical transformation in personal demeanor of the elected members to seriously tackling the plethora of stupendous ticklish issues. The regime seems to be treading the same path of preserving the status quo. It has fallen into the routine mould of running the state affairs. It has once again launched a major military offensive in the tribal belt, which is what Pervez Musharraf has been doing on the call of United States and her allies. The Pakistan army has been once again mobilized in a big way to stamp out the presence of Taliban in the Tribal areas as well as Swat and Mardan. It seems to be a long haul as there cannot be a conclusive win against the Taliban or other similar militant groups fighting in the name of religion. It is going to negatively impinge upon the economy and upset of whatever societal tranquility is left in the country. While the PPP regime might have objectively resorted to the military action necessitated by the ground realities, it would, nevertheless, further accentuate the pervasive chaos. It may as well prompt Taliban to fall back upon the suicide bombing in Pakistan which had almost stopped after the swearing in of the democratically elected government. The situation has bounced back to Pakistan army versus Taliban and AlQaida.

Of late, the PPP government has decided to withdraw the subsidies on a considerable number of commodities. Simultaneously, it has increased the power tariff that would be another uncharitable act against the consumers. As a result, leaving the rich and the well to do, the life of common man is going to be more miserable.

Is there a plan with the government to increase the agricultural productivity and spur the industrial sector? Is the new populist regime serious in removing the curse of feudalism and absentee landlordism? How can it curb the benediction of corruption, malfunctioning and malpractices, that have permeated almost all the departments and offices that are part of governance? Can our newly elected leaders, members of parliament and cabinet shun their glorious style of living, driving in luxury vehicles, wearing posh custom suits, keeping an army of servants and attendants? Can they, keeping the miseries of the people, opt for an austere life and spurn their glitter of power and pelf? Can they think of, at least, evolving an organized system to clean roads, lanes and streets in Pakistan and collection of garbage for clean environment?

If the party leaders bypass, ignore, fail to address or procrastinate on the country’s myriad problems and irritants that obstruct a modicum of civilized life then the changes of faces in the power corridors is meaningless and indeed least desirable. The change of leadership and government must herald a valid and salubrious transformation in the quality of life of the people at large.

The revolutionary parties are run by powerful individuals. PPP was a revolutionary party as long as Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was alive. After his death PPP was in the lead in offering sacrifices against the ferocious dictatorship. Even afterwards it has remained a vanguard masses’ party. But the fact is that despite its revolutionary and anti status quo posture and pro people’s image, its leadership woefully remained short of the caliber of its founder. The compromise that ZA Bhutto rejected later became a norm of the PPP. As a result of the latter day compromises, Benazir was allowed to become the prime Minister in 1988. This time too its re-entry into the political arena is the result of a quid pro quo brokered by mighty Americans. As such, once again it is bound by the cord of compromises and accommodations with forces that have run out their usefulness in Pakistan but which still serve the interests of imperial powers. The PPP is, therefore, bound to fail if it doesn’t break that strait jacket. If it again fails it will fade into history as a spent up political outfit.