S Y Hussain January 3, 1998

Tags: Policy , Development , Oppression , Independence , Constitution , Government , Colonial , Politics , Karachi , India , Pakistan

rel="tag" href="/tag/literacy">literacy in Pakistan this paper attempts to clarify ideas related to gender, assumed or consciously advocated in their various approaches. It is assumed that when not constrained by macro factors there exist varied views of gender spread geographically, and by various defining categories and identities in communities and cities across the countries.

Gender is understood to mean 'knowledge about sexual difference', where knowledge includes 'understanding produced by cultures and societies of human relationships, in this case between men and women'. Thus the perceptions implicit in the approaches of the organizations are the starting point of the paper.

To what extent these organizations are gender-aware concerning literacy in communities and how reflexive their approaches are in literacy promotion under present conditions will be brought out. Here the practice of identifying the 'problem', for instance the 'problem of women's literacy' in the Third World, by planners and making efforts to 'solve the problem', is seen as an activity distinct from the 'problem' as seen by insiders and communities. Yet diverse, 'on the ground' possibilities and approaches of meaningful engagement are emphatically acknowledged.

Needless to say that social and legal constraints on women's autonomy, self assertion and participation in decision­making have disadvantaged them at all levels in effectively challenging those forces which have left them, their families and communities in threatening environments; especially under colonialism and other regimes. It should be mentioned that in general sources are extremely scarce which document local women's as well as local activities and points of view. Almost all accounts are external.

The context of gender and literacy then includes the impact of colonialism, of globalization and of 'development' policies especially those of education.

In light of this, the perceptions, and therefore the approaches to and efforts of literacy, will be evaluated with a view towards the question: What would count as success in literacy efforts for women in countries pursuing development strategies, with particular reference to Pakistan. In this it attempts in the most direct manner, to explain the disparity in male­female literacy rates, and the failure of most literacy efforts. The answer is normative and engages in contemporary debates in approaches and strategies for literacy education.

Women's Literacy in Pakistan

Year Urban Female Rural Female Female Total Male Total Pakistan Total
1981 37.3 7.3 16.1 35 26.2
1990 41.1 11.3 22.1 -
1991-2 - - - - 34
2000 54.8 17.5 30.5 -

Literacy Rates (%) in Pakistan. N. Hussain (1992), T. Aftab (1994)

The population estimates for 1991­92 and 2000 are 117.32 and 150.0 million respectively, while the ratio of women to men in the population is 100 to 111 (Aftab, 1994). Since Pakistan also has a high population growth rate (close to 3 percent), despite existing efforts the number of illiterates is increasing even when the percentage of illiterates is declining.

According to Limage,

'The South Asia region has, and is expected to maintain the lowest literacy rates for women by the year 2000, 32.2 percent in 1990 and 41.2 percent by the end of the century.'

The Discourse and Practice of Literacy and Gender

Government Approaches :

The need for strong social agendas was recognized by the newly independent states joining the United Nations in the decades after the end of World War II. This was coupled by development strategies which were largely growth and production oriented, eager to 'catch-up' with the industrialized Western states.


In Pakistan, which gained independence in 1947, internal crises over ideology in the constitution and the need for legitimacy of successive governments, paved the way for successive attempts and failures of educational programs. Thus institutional problems of the government were related to the literacy strategies undertaken.


The first Pakistan Educational Conference (1947) recommended universal, compulsory, free basic education. In 1959 the National Commission on Education - emphasizing the need for compulsory education for 'manpower and intelligent citizenship', aimed to achieve five years of compulsory education in fifteen years. The Regional Meeting of Asian Education Ministers from seventeen countries organized by UNESCO took place the same year in Karachi - producing the 'Karachi Plan', which required universal, compulsory, education of seven years by 1980. By 1964 another commission observed that 'the target year for compulsory schooling is receding farther' because of limited resources of the government.

The constitutions of 1962 and 1973 reasserted the need to remove illiteracy and provide free compulsory education.

The first five year plan (1955-60) allocated 20 percent of the total educational budget (Rs.50m) to primary education, out of which 37 percent could be utilized. The second plan (1960-65) allocated 6 percent (Rs.65.4m) out of which 27 percent could be utilized. The third plan (1965-70) provided a small increase (Rs.68.5m) out of which 61 percent could be utilized - out of a target of 215,000 primary schools 4,000 were actually opened. The fifth plan (1970-75) was disturbed by internal turmoil, but the period in question saw the nationalization of the private sector and free education up to secondary level. The education expenditure as part of annual plans rose from Rs.700m to Rs.1740m. in 1974-75.

By 1979 the universalization of primary education (UPE) targets were not met even halfway. The fifth plan (1977-83) increased resources but the share of the educational budget was halved. The enrollment achieved were 22 percent (boys) and 31 percent (girls) of the targeted numbers (5.9m boys and 2.685m girls). The sixth plan (1983-88) focused on primary education, mass literacy, enrollment of girls and basic facilities. The utilizable budget remained below 31 percent. While target enrollment was 200 percent , that achieved was 25 percent, and participation rate was less than 55 percent. Performance in primary education however was described as 'relatively satisfactory'. The seventh plan (1988-93) aimed to complete infrastructure needs for primary education, to reduce urban-rural and boys-girls disparities, and achieve UPE by 2000. It also incorporated non-formal approaches which were the topic of a regional conference in Islamabad in 1987, in order to draw from experiences of other countries and sought to encourage private participation in literacy efforts. The plan was not implemented due to change of government (UNESCO/PROAP, 1991) .The 1992 Education Policy sought to raise the literacy level from 35.8 percent to 70 percent by 2000 (Ghafoor, 1995)

In publications till 1995 this is the last discussed plan. Several governments have changed since then.

Khawaja reviews four decades of efforts largely wasted in changing strategies and approaches (quoted in Unesco Institute of Education, Hamburg):

' The 1959 report recommended the following useful strategies for the promotion of Adult Literacy: 1. The use of schoolchildren as teachers in an effort to make parents literate. 2. The use of undergraduate college students as literacy teachers. 3. The use of one literate adult to teach another under the 'each one , teach one' approach. The New Educational Policy of 1970 reiterated the importance of literacy in the context of socio-economic development WHILE the Education Policy from 1972-1980 made renewed efforts towards adult education programs and reiterated that a 'massive literacy program will be undertaken in every town and village. Literacy centers will be established all over the country, in the schools, factories, farms, union councils halls and other community places.'

The switches are between the 'campaign approach' and the 'program' or 'economic
returns' or 'selective-intensive approach', and vary in emphases.

Approaches of International Agencies :

Various strategies including Universalization of Primary Education (UPE), Education for All (EFA) and population education had been adopted to address the trends in illiteracy.

While UPE, was adopted to address future adult illiteracy (for instance by the UNESCO backed meeting of Asian Member States held in 1959 in Karachi, Pakistan), in practice even high enrollments over a certain years of schooling failed to lead to 'basic education' - which would impart the minimum knowledge and skills for a lifelong learning process. But even UPE remains a sought after goal.

This led to approaches outside the formal system for children and adults - Non-Formal education (NFE) - targeting groups at a disadvantage. Population education along with sanitation and health information combined with literacy education, referred to as the 'Integrated Approach' have been adopted within development programs of various agencies.


UNESCO's Asia and Pacific Programme of Educational Innovation for Development (APEID) was established in 1974. Since then it has produced useful materials and studies recommended to governments, conducted workshops, and has worked in cooperation with other agencies such as United Nations Development Programme and member states.

In 1991 it recommended the following for 'girls as a category which has remained
outside schools in South Asia' (including Pakistan):

-substantial recruitment of women teachers, because of prejudice against co- education beyond a certain age

-non-formal /part -time educational activities for school age girls pre-occupied with domestic chores and looking after siblings

-provision of incentives such as free meals , school uniforms, textbooks, stationery, attendance scholarships

-improvement in physical environment of schools, for instance by provision of separate toilet facilities

-use of alternative modalities for educating children such as organizing classes in religious places and private homes

-differentiated curriculum for meeting the special needs of girls, such as homecrafts, care of babies, nutrition as part of the curriculum

-use of distance education through self-learning packages and radio and TV broadcasts

-free education for girls up to the end of secondary stage to avoid premature withdrawal from education


-early childhood education and care centers where siblings are looked
after to give girls opportunities for primary schooling


Other branches of UNESCO involved with literacy in Pakistan are the Asia Pacific Program for Education for All (APPEAL), Asian Cultural Center for UNESCO, Tokyo (ACCU), and the Principal Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok (PROAP). They have produced case studies on rural education, education for girls, materials development, quality of education, teacher training, integrated approaches and participatory approaches among other topics. Some of these are conducted in Pakistan and are meant for exchange and development of programs among other branches and member states.

They have with success urged governments to involve NGO's especially for non-formal educational approaches.


It is difficult to summarize these activities, but in general the concerns are practical, politically conservative, towards accumulating a knowledge base and program base for the specific stated needs of the member states.


In another vein, the Women in Development (WID) approach was adopted by scholars and practitioners to address the neglect of women in 'economic' processes, and to address these within development projects. This was replaced by the Women and Development (WAD) and the Gender and Development (GAD) approaches to 'avoid the pitfalls of economic determinism inevitably linked with the earlier WID approach'. The GAD approach

'moves beyond the instrumentalist definitions offered by the earliest
WID theorists who attempted to fit women, and most specifically developing country women
into predetermined categories which themselves were based on essentially linear
progressivist, Western views of "modernization"'.


While important studies from the Gender and Development and other (for example
political economy) approaches have been produced, Udayagiri charges that


' ...in putting forth these claims [referring to certain contemporary
postmodernist analyses of Third World women] they successfully evade the moral issues of
poverty, hunger, inadequate health care and lack of literacy which have historically been
of central concern'.


However, some women's groups and NGO's had independently taken initiative in addressing
the problems with awareness of the larger structures of power.


Eva Rathgeber, looking at the record of development agencies concerning women thinks
that they have in general emphasized welfare meaning women's 'reproductive role',
and efficiency meaning their 'productive [economic] role'. The institutions and
agencies involved have varying records of becoming sensitive to gender issues; with the
UNDP at the lower end, the World Bank in the middle and The Ford Foundation and CIDA
(Canadian Int'l Dev. Agency) registering higher. However, all have become more sensitive
over time. She thinks this is due in part to differences in internal organization, and
mostly due to individuals committed to issues of social justice, who have used their
positions creatively to address problems of gender through their projects.


One can add here the proceedings of the various international and regional conferences
regarding literacy. In recent years for instance the Teheran and the Jomtien conference
(1975 and 1990) stand out.


Despite these developments useful studies concerning literacy specifically within these
approaches are still lacking; In Pakistan several studies have been sponsored in
cooperation with government agencies by UNESCO, UNICEF, ILO, UNDP, and the World Bank.
Still data is scarce, there are no book-length accounts.


Within the UN system and its specialized agencies some achieved notoriety in the
eighties, as having agendas which addressed imbalances in the world scenario. Among these
were UNESCO, FAO, ILO, and ITU all of whom are autonomous bodies. It remains to be seen
what initiatives these and other agencies will be able to take in the post Cold War era,
when international organizations are increasingly seen as preferred areas of engagement.
However a significant amount of assistance is based on bilateral as opposed to
multilateral agencies -like USAID.



Gender in a Baluch Tribal Area in 1971


Pastner in her dissertation on a remote tribal community of Panjgars in Baluchistan,
delineates gendered social fields in the community, with some historical overview. (Her
account does not dwell on conditions under colonial rule except to say that medicines were
not as easily available).


Baluchistan is a province most resistant to efforts of development as well as literacy,
as much because of its large area and sparse population as its conservative, feudal tribal
societies. Some interesting observations are mentioned, which add to comments made in this
paper.


She mentions that girls as well as boys go to the local school as well as attend
quranic classes, but girls are withdrawn early. The reason she cites is that an
association is made between development efforts of the government and literacy efforts in
the school. While the men have suffered a loss of identity as a result of the government
effort to incorporate communities into the economy and impose a Pakistani identity on
their own tribal, clan and Baluch identity, the effective insulation of the women's sphere
becomes necessary for the men as a defensive measure for the protection of privilege and
identity. This is a strong argument.


She goes on to say that this was done by by­passing the local chief (sardar: Khan of
Kalat), through language education and requirements for government jobs. As a result
women's lack of participation in external decisions and the public sphere becomes more
pronounced, reinforcing the distinction between men and women's spheres. While the women's
sphere in this situation is more flexible and effective in communicating information and
taking care of women and children's needs, Pastner illustrates with an incident the
limitations: a certain married woman does not want to return to her husband. The women
support her but the men who take decisions which entail dealing with external agents
decide it may not be worth the strife with the woman's husband and his clan. As a result
the women are overruled after an argument and accept this a necessity.


Pastner also mentions that while the community was under the jurisdiction of the
sardar, the tribal chief, 'purdah' or 'seclusion' by covering or veiling was, as
requirement, not practiced, as the sardar's role was one of approved kin although women
from his own family continued to observe the purdah. Since the government decided to by
pass the chief and deal with individuals (that is, in the extension of rights of
citizenship), 'purdah' became more strictly enforced as the jurisdiction of the Sardar
applied less effectively, and the tribe was more vulnerable to the outside world.


These observations show the dependence of women on men especially in regard to
decisions about community in that unaccomodating environment, while reinforcing certain
gender distinctions or applying them more rigorously.


It also shows that the practice of 'purdah' in how it was practiced by the sardar's
family was taken up by the whole community, signifying exposure to the outside, or to the
'other' in the decline of the sardar's and the rise of the government's influence.


Pastner's account is biased by the sexual dichotomy which is reminiscent of Talcott
Parson's dichotomies which separate modern and premodern societies, men and women,et
cetera. Thus it does not show possibilities for women as agents in the local as well as
larger scenario.


The point with respect to literacy is that it ends up being seen as an external
influence exercised by the government and the outside world, while uses of literacy other
than those narrowly prescribed by the outside world, remain full of ambiguity and
insecurity, and remain unexploited by women as well as men. This is also the 'invisible
barrier', the problem Aftab is concerned with. [See end of previous section: 'Women's
Literacy in Pakistan'.] Here any women-centered account is missing which is necessary if
agency of women is not denied.




Latent Groups and Survival


Other research has shown that under extreme conditions for instance famine and facing
imminent death, instead of doing away with the structure of disbalance in allocations, the
community reinforces its institutions and heirarchical structure through distribution of
scarce resources, food ­ even at the expense of the lives of those at the bottom of the
social hierarchy. This was part of a discussion of 'latent groups' in hostile environments
where survival and identity are threatened. So gender distinctions are reinforced as
components of relations of power.


Since the state has largely been ineffective in useful intervention, a demonstrating
and negotiating approach to alternative interventions at the everyday level, especially in
negotiating with the environment ­ physical as well as cultural ­ will be crucial.


Literacy in this context may be seen as a way of negotiating with the outside world.
However, as mentioned before, there is little data on how the women see the situation. I
have found three instances. One is the study by Aftab (1994), a second is the project
described by Bakhteari (1988) and the third is a pilot study by the 'The New Participatory
Method' of innovative materials development (UNESCO/PROAP, 1992).


My emphasis is on how the given exploitative or hostile environment is dealt with in
speaking of gender. Clearly when the environment of 'development' is exploitative the
feminine role appears to be doubly defensive and handicapped with respect to the outside
influence. On the other hand there is also latent flexibility and resilience not available
to the masculine role which is a continuing aspect of gender in this community.
Incidentally in Pastner's account this is the entry point for coming into contact with the
women. Bakhteari's project in Baldia Town is probably the best example of a participatory
method which assists the women of the settlement to extend their normal roles and become
agents in community literacy and development.


The question ­ assuming incorporation by, or at least encroaching of, the outside
culture ­ is once again what associations are made between gender and the outside culture
including the developmental aspects or efforts. This is important since this process is
the negotiation of gender in the changing society. The point here is not what gender roles
will be preserved or rejected, but how a dynamic engagement based on gender with its
possibilities might take place. Here it is relevant how the already gendered concept of
'literacy' is framed to deal with new situations ­ more significantly of the long term
and with the larger societal and global forces.


While latency implies isolation and protection, emergence implies engagement as social
group. This as transition is ambiguous, diverse, context related and dependent on forms of
engagement. The transition may be thought of as an invisible boundary; in reality it is
the process of 'development' in its most meaningful sense.


For instance, after migration to the urban environment the divisions and categories in
their previous pre-migration forms persist. This is taken up in the government ideology of
the provision of 'chadar and chardivari' ­ chadar is the covering or purdah or veiling,
chardivari is the four walls or the enclosed space. This has implications of the
protection of honor as well as provision of the security of the home. On the other hand it
implies the protection and delineation of the feminine sphere as 'domestic' in the new
environment.


Yet in the new environment, new and different relationships of engagement, most
significant ones being those dealing with work, health, education and the immediate
environment including housing, present themselves as areas of engagement. For each
community it would be interesting to see how the division of labor presents continuities
and differences.


This theme is picked up as the 'Integrated Development' approach by UN agencies which
seek to join sanitation, health care, population planning information and literacy
education. (UNESCO/PROAP 1992, UIE (Hamburg)).




Constraints on Literacy for Women


To account for the 'constraints' and 'causes' for the 'slow growth' in literacy rates
for women in Pakistan, a number of reasons are cited by authors writing about literacy
from Pakistan. Among these are: poverty, lack of women teachers, inadequate
infrastructure, access to schools, irrelevance of content due to urban or class bias
especially for women in rural environment, low 'status' of women, oppression and
marginalization of women in patriarchal and largely feudal setup and under an obscurantist
version of Islam and lack of will on the part of the government.


Some of the descriptions are:


I look at the upwardly increasing graph of illiteracy as an accelerating
pressure of violence and exploitation . For the women of Pakistan, illiteracy means
segregation, creation and perpetuation of a separate world doomed by poverty, deprivation
and oppression. As women's deprivation of their fundamental right of free access to
knowledge and learning has yet to get recognition as the base line of all forms of
violence against women, strategies for the eradication of illiteracy have not yet been
recognized as life­saving strategies' (Aftab 1994).


'. . . the historic role women in the construction and preservation of
civilization, has been suppressed, mutilated and often, reduced to a mere footnote in
scholarly works. Society in general and family in particular has been less tolerant and
accommodating to the needs and requirements of women. Their identity is rejected and
publicly mocked. Married women are victims of physical abuse, violence and mental and
attitudinal misbehavior. Divorced and single women have an uncomfortable existence. Young
girls mobility is highly restricted as it is feared that this would cause a bad name to
the familv's honor' (Aftab 1994).


'Women suffer additional constraints because their limited mobility and
decision making power are controlled and restricted, thus causing a poor self­perception
and low aspirations for themselves and for their daughters . . . change, in most cases,
instead of altering the women's situation for the better, has added more inequalities,
thus maintaining the age­old paradoxes of women's lives (Aftab 1994).


'Womens access to literacy cannot be separated from their societal
status' (Aftab 1994).


Aftab is a historian based in Karachi. Two observations are immediately apparent. One,
that as a societal problem (bias against women) runs deep, permeates society and remains
an obstacle to women's development (for instance, by imposing restrictions, segregation
and perpetuating violence against women). Second that literacy is associated with the
positive element, progress, is 'life­saving', and as precondition ('baseline') for free
access to knowledge and learning (a fundamental right) it is a requirement and solution
for women's identity, well­being and self­assertion.


Others have noted that often the choice is between social roles and 'becoming
literate'. This can be understood as the constraints of the local gender relations, within
the wider social context.


For all the benefits that can come from becoming literate, and however hard won, is
there not an invisible barrier operating here which thwarts all efforts? ­ 'strategies
for the eradication of illiteracy have not yet been recognized as life­saving strategies'
­ not only not recognized by policy makers, but also not recognized by whole illiterate
communities.


While rural as well as urban poor women negotiate between scarce resources and their
social roles, they may seek help from outside resources. However, it does not seem that
they have their own agenda or one which includes literacy.




Conclusion


The discourse of government and international agencies shows that government agencies
make use of the expertise available. This can be seen in the similarity in language and
approaches - as they have changed over time - and also in the governments obligation as
signatories to international and regional agreements redarding literacy (Ghafoor, APEID
and APPEAL).


Institutional problems of the government contribute to changes in emphases and budgets
in the plans. This should be seen in light of various political groups (including
religious) representing coalitions of the government which need to be appeased. One can
add to these factors inadequate planning, mismanagement of programs and funds.


This leads to the conclusion that there are large gaps within formation and
implementation of policy, making literacy efforts for men and women difficult. The state
as the most powerful actor has been unable to mobilize its machinery in this direction.


This leaves the other two areas. One is the area of aid as tied to education,
population and other policies. This needs continued criticism and encouragement at the
international level, regarding issues for women and literacy in general.


The other area is of community and non-government initiatives. This is exemplified by
small scale efforts and networks; perhaps one area where voluntary and strong community
involvement has been tapped. Some have noted that these small scale efforts may suffer
from lack of expertise (not well integrated) and may lead to variability in standards
(will not serve as bridges to equal outcomes as measured by formal schooling) (Limage).
However in the absence of other initiatives, it is the most fruitful area. This is not to
say that the government is absolved of its responsibility.


Regarding the original question, that of gender disparity regarding literacy, the
reasons usually cited ( for instance Aftab above) describe the conditions, but not
explanations: whether historical or of communities or from women's perspectives. The
gender and literacy nexus as it exists, must be seen in the context of 'transitions' of
communities over long periods of time. Thus an explanation would include the place of
communities in the larger socioeconomic and cultural picture. Progress must be related to
dynamic engagement of communities and especially women as agents.




Note: I have not included descriptions of actual projects for lack of time and
space. A summary is in Shaheed and Mumtaz in Conway and Borque. More detail in
UNESCO/APPEAL 1993. The impact of governement plans on literacy figures is small. Other
projects were small in scale or voluntary for communities.

Appendix 1

Per Capita GNP, Spending per Child, and Literacy Rates

in Sample Countries

COUNTRY GNP per capita $ Spending per child(*) Total% Female%
Bangladesh 170 24 33 22
Nepal 180 38 26 12
Zambia 290 - 74 67
China 330 - 69 55
India 340 62 43 29
Pakistan 350 79 30 19
Kenya 370 - 59 49
Srilanka 420 - 87 83
Indonasia 440 - 74 65
Ethiopia 120 64 34.8 -
Nigeria 270 69 50.7 -

From Neelam Hussain (1992) except figures of Spending per
child and Ethiopia and Nigeria * From 1993 World Education Report, UNESCO, 1993.

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Presented to Prof. Alem Habtu Sociology of Literacy Fall '96 45-53
Parsons Blvd.,  Flushing, NY 11355