Adil Najam January 10, 1998
Tags: Military , India , Pakistan , Bhutto
Assistant Professor of International Relations, Boston University
Every Pakistani in the US seems to be talking about the expose published in
today's (January 9, 1998) New York Times about the international trail of
corruption that Benazir Bhutto and Asif Zardari have left behind from their
last stint in office. Since
I first read the story early this morning (the
old fashioned way, in a 'real' newspaper) I have received as many as seven
different emails inviting my attention to the NYT web-site where the story
can be read in its entirety... and more might be on their way! Moreover,
its not just Pakistanis who seem to excited about the report. Since this
morning, I have been asked by three faculty members and one radio
journalist what is to be made about the story in the Times. (The great
thing about teaching in a department of International Relations is that you
opinions suddenly become expertise.)
I must confess that all the attention that is being showered on the story
has left me stumped. The reason for my surprise is not that the scale and
magnitude of the corruption detailed in the article--and the even more
appalling arrogance that underscores it--is anything but worthy of utter
scorn. The reason for my surprise simply is that there is really nothing
new in the story! Sure, the level of detail and documentation is more
profound than anything that had been published before but at the end of the
day there really is no 'scoop' in the report--not even the fact that Asif
Zardari happens to be two years younger than Benazir Bhutto (whatever that
might mean). The New York Times may well be the newspaper of record for
the world, but as far as this report goes it tells us nothing that the
average Pakistani could not have told you as much as a year ago!
Having said that, maybe I have become too much of a hardened cynic,
especially when it comes to the Western media. The story, even if its gory
details were already well known to us Pakistanis, is a significant one.
But it is significant not for what it said but for how it said it. In this
regard, at least two important points need to be raised. The first relates
to the person on whom the report focussed--i.e. Benazir Bhutto. The second
is concerned with the subject of the enquiry: i.e. corruption.
To begin with the first, the very placement of the report--on the top of
the front page of possibly the world's most influential
newspaper--signifies the end (or, maybe, the beginning of the end) of the
Western media's love affair with Benazir Bhutto. For most of her political
life--certainly since 1990--Benazir Bhutto has been far more popular abroad
than at home. Nowhere has she been more popular than on the pages of the
New York Times. In many ways the real significance of today's special
report is that it implies the end of this infatuation. One gets the
distinct sense that BB herself is aware of this changing reality and that
this pains her more than all the other allegations put together. As one
reads the account one gets the impression that what has affected her most
is not that she has left the nation bankrupt both economically and
politically; nor the shame that the whole nation has to bear on her behalf;
nor even the insinuations about Asif Zardari's reported extra-marital
affairs; but, in her own words, "the irreparable damage done to my standing
in the world." In a country where so many suffer an existence of constant
indignity Benazir Bhutto seems to feel that her's is the most horrendous
human rights story of all. There is a distinct air of arrogance here that
cannot be missed.
But another thing that cannot be missed is that despite all the evidence
that it details, the New York Times is still enamoured by Pinky. Like so
many others before it, it cannot seem to get itself to actually place the
blame on Benazir--It must have been Zardari acting alone. If it was, then
Benazir stands guilty not just to the charge of being corrupt but also
stupid. After all, heists of this level do not happen by themselves. Even
if her sin was merely that of silence, a hundred million dollars is a lot
to remain silent about. In essence, then, this was not just a story about
Benazir's desperation at seeing the Western media deserting her, but also a
story about the Western media's desperate bid to hold on to its darling.
In the end, one might argue, the real culprit was the institution of
arranged marriage! How rosy would the world have been if she had not been
forced to marry this polo playing playboy! Ah! If only!
But the story was not just about Benazir, it was about corruption in the
Third World. And this brings us to the second point. For the average
American reader, the moral of the story--if there was one--was that even if
the NYT got it wrong as far as BB was concerned, they have been dead right
about the terrible state corruption in the Third World. Indeed, the Times
is not wrong on that. Indeed, corruption does pervade Pakistan's entire
political landscape--not just the Bhuttos but also the Sharifs, the
not-so-sharif civil and military bureaucracies, and the national and
international business classes who, after all, are the source of all these
dirty millions. But more than that the NYT report is a wonderful exemplar
of how the Western media treats the issue of Third World corruption. The
corrupt element, the report seems to suggest, is not the French firm
Dassault who pay the huge bribes, nor the Swiss concern Societe Generale de
Surveillance SA which doled out outlandish commissions, nor US-based
Citibank which helped stash the dirty money. It is very clear that the sin
was of the Bhuttos... indeed, primarily it was... but was it only theirs?
What about the supply side of corruption? If Asif Zardari was able to ask
for unearthly amounts as bribes, was it not because he knew that there were
people... in Pakistan and abroad who were willing and able to dish out that
kind of money. Since when did those who give bribes become more respectful
than those who accept bribes?
Enough ranting about the NYT article. Let us briefly talk about the story
that was not reported by the New York Times and is not likely to be
reported anytime soon. This is the story of the new wave of colonization
that is going on around the world, including Pakistan. The one thing that
the article did without wanting to do it was to expose how multinationals
can buy anything they want. There will always be people like Asif Zardari
who are willing--even eager--to be bought off. This is not an excuse for
what Zardari did. This is an explanation. Multinationals like the British
East India Company knew this all too well (remember Mir Jaffar?) when they
set out to colonize the world. And multinationals today know it even
better.
It was Benazir yesterday, it is Nawaz Sharif today, it will be someone else
tomorrow. The faces will change, the corruption will not. Those who might
refuse to be corrupt will not last. Because the forces that make the
leaders of countries like ours corrupt are bigger than all of us. And
those are the same forces that we are all so fond of admiring... the forces
of globalization (yes, I know I will be castigated for this by the
chowkwallahs). The world today is becoming so small (not necessarily a
good thing) and the difference between the rich and the poor is becoming so
large (always a bad thing) that it is all too easy for the rich to buy off
the poor and it is all too compelling for the poor to do anything they can
(including selling their souls) to join the rich.... hence, corruption is
born (the genesis of prostitution is very similar).
today's (January 9, 1998) New York Times about the international trail of
corruption that Benazir Bhutto and Asif Zardari have left behind from their
last stint in office. Since
old fashioned way, in a 'real' newspaper) I have received as many as seven
different emails inviting my attention to the NYT web-site where the story
can be read in its entirety... and more might be on their way! Moreover,
its not just Pakistanis who seem to excited about the report. Since this
morning, I have been asked by three faculty members and one radio
journalist what is to be made about the story in the Times. (The great
thing about teaching in a department of International Relations is that you
opinions suddenly become expertise.)
I must confess that all the attention that is being showered on the story
has left me stumped. The reason for my surprise is not that the scale and
magnitude of the corruption detailed in the article--and the even more
appalling arrogance that underscores it--is anything but worthy of utter
scorn. The reason for my surprise simply is that there is really nothing
new in the story! Sure, the level of detail and documentation is more
profound than anything that had been published before but at the end of the
day there really is no 'scoop' in the report--not even the fact that Asif
Zardari happens to be two years younger than Benazir Bhutto (whatever that
might mean). The New York Times may well be the newspaper of record for
the world, but as far as this report goes it tells us nothing that the
average Pakistani could not have told you as much as a year ago!
Having said that, maybe I have become too much of a hardened cynic,
especially when it comes to the Western media. The story, even if its gory
details were already well known to us Pakistanis, is a significant one.
But it is significant not for what it said but for how it said it. In this
regard, at least two important points need to be raised. The first relates
to the person on whom the report focussed--i.e. Benazir Bhutto. The second
is concerned with the subject of the enquiry: i.e. corruption.
To begin with the first, the very placement of the report--on the top of
the front page of possibly the world's most influential
newspaper--signifies the end (or, maybe, the beginning of the end) of the
Western media's love affair with Benazir Bhutto. For most of her political
life--certainly since 1990--Benazir Bhutto has been far more popular abroad
than at home. Nowhere has she been more popular than on the pages of the
New York Times. In many ways the real significance of today's special
report is that it implies the end of this infatuation. One gets the
distinct sense that BB herself is aware of this changing reality and that
this pains her more than all the other allegations put together. As one
reads the account one gets the impression that what has affected her most
is not that she has left the nation bankrupt both economically and
politically; nor the shame that the whole nation has to bear on her behalf;
nor even the insinuations about Asif Zardari's reported extra-marital
affairs; but, in her own words, "the irreparable damage done to my standing
in the world." In a country where so many suffer an existence of constant
indignity Benazir Bhutto seems to feel that her's is the most horrendous
human rights story of all. There is a distinct air of arrogance here that
cannot be missed.
But another thing that cannot be missed is that despite all the evidence
that it details, the New York Times is still enamoured by Pinky. Like so
many others before it, it cannot seem to get itself to actually place the
blame on Benazir--It must have been Zardari acting alone. If it was, then
Benazir stands guilty not just to the charge of being corrupt but also
stupid. After all, heists of this level do not happen by themselves. Even
if her sin was merely that of silence, a hundred million dollars is a lot
to remain silent about. In essence, then, this was not just a story about
Benazir's desperation at seeing the Western media deserting her, but also a
story about the Western media's desperate bid to hold on to its darling.
In the end, one might argue, the real culprit was the institution of
arranged marriage! How rosy would the world have been if she had not been
forced to marry this polo playing playboy! Ah! If only!
But the story was not just about Benazir, it was about corruption in the
Third World. And this brings us to the second point. For the average
American reader, the moral of the story--if there was one--was that even if
the NYT got it wrong as far as BB was concerned, they have been dead right
about the terrible state corruption in the Third World. Indeed, the Times
is not wrong on that. Indeed, corruption does pervade Pakistan's entire
political landscape--not just the Bhuttos but also the Sharifs, the
not-so-sharif civil and military bureaucracies, and the national and
international business classes who, after all, are the source of all these
dirty millions. But more than that the NYT report is a wonderful exemplar
of how the Western media treats the issue of Third World corruption. The
corrupt element, the report seems to suggest, is not the French firm
Dassault who pay the huge bribes, nor the Swiss concern Societe Generale de
Surveillance SA which doled out outlandish commissions, nor US-based
Citibank which helped stash the dirty money. It is very clear that the sin
was of the Bhuttos... indeed, primarily it was... but was it only theirs?
What about the supply side of corruption? If Asif Zardari was able to ask
for unearthly amounts as bribes, was it not because he knew that there were
people... in Pakistan and abroad who were willing and able to dish out that
kind of money. Since when did those who give bribes become more respectful
than those who accept bribes?
Enough ranting about the NYT article. Let us briefly talk about the story
that was not reported by the New York Times and is not likely to be
reported anytime soon. This is the story of the new wave of colonization
that is going on around the world, including Pakistan. The one thing that
the article did without wanting to do it was to expose how multinationals
can buy anything they want. There will always be people like Asif Zardari
who are willing--even eager--to be bought off. This is not an excuse for
what Zardari did. This is an explanation. Multinationals like the British
East India Company knew this all too well (remember Mir Jaffar?) when they
set out to colonize the world. And multinationals today know it even
better.
It was Benazir yesterday, it is Nawaz Sharif today, it will be someone else
tomorrow. The faces will change, the corruption will not. Those who might
refuse to be corrupt will not last. Because the forces that make the
leaders of countries like ours corrupt are bigger than all of us. And
those are the same forces that we are all so fond of admiring... the forces
of globalization (yes, I know I will be castigated for this by the
chowkwallahs). The world today is becoming so small (not necessarily a
good thing) and the difference between the rich and the poor is becoming so
large (always a bad thing) that it is all too easy for the rich to buy off
the poor and it is all too compelling for the poor to do anything they can
(including selling their souls) to join the rich.... hence, corruption is
born (the genesis of prostitution is very similar).
Times viewed:6435
interact
read comments 22
Similar Articles
- Please De-stabilize the System Ahmer Muzammil
- Myanmar Disaster kashkin dabruski
- Dr. Ayesha Siddiqa Agha on Pakistan Military AliHasan Cemendtaur
- Monday Morning Blast in Rawalpindi ... An eyewitness account Sabahat Vahidy
- A History of the Pakistan Army by Brian Cloughley Agha Amin
US Elections 2008 Primaries
THEMES
Latest Interacts
- sahir_shah: khakiflash, lol, are u in... Demon
- vatanparast: One can flatter himself... MQM - History and
- CheGuevara: I didn't read the... Fathers and Daughters
- masadi: Anil sahib, I know... Historian Amaresh Misra on
- masadi: Because of violating the... Fathers and Daughters
- CheGuevara: Chalta yea I hope... MQM - History and
- masadi: testing ... Rape Survivor Families Struggle
- chaltahai: Che, this is Tahmed's... MQM - History and








