Salman Haider June 24, 2000
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Mitti ki mohabbat mein, hum ashufta sarron nay
Woh qarz utaaray hain, ke wajib bhi nahin thay
(For the love of our land, we with perturbed minds
Sacrificed what was not even decreed)
Scene 1
A sleepy town. The night’s
Scene 2
Karachi. Early morning. A lawyer and his son in a chauffeur-driven car. As the car takes a turn towards the boy’s school, two young men on a motorcycle intercept it. They take aim and confidently fire shots, point blank, at the occupants. The motorcycle roars away, leaving in its wake two corpses, an injured driver and a grieving home.
Scene 3
Multan. A senior lawyer pursuing the case of his slain father is on his way to court. He has been summoned by the anti-terrorist court to record his evidence against two detained militants. While driving by a mausoleum, his car is intercepted; two motorcyclists pump him with bullets and ride away. Security provided to the lawyer over the last few days had been abruptly withdrawn. Police are then deployed at sensitive spots.
Butchers! That appears to be the only appropriate definition for armed mercenaries slaying men, women and children across the land. Which sin have these poor souls suffered for? None; other than their belief in one God and His Prophet (pbuh). Pakistan is a state where ethnic and religious bigotry has been allowed to flourish; one where mullahs—illiterate to the core and armed to the teeth—rampage the country at will and seek their piece of heaven by cleansing the world of ‘heretics’.
Alas! These are but sad facts and a few among thousands the country has witnessed in recent years. Lives wasted, homes destroyed and families left despairing for loved ones. What requires attention and thought is the cause and effect of the prevailing scenario. This article attempts to address the reasons why sectarianism is rife in the country and further analyse what the future holds in store.
General Zia, revered by some, ruled Pakistan for eleven ‘golden’ years. A period in our history the country could do without. His rule negated whatever Pakistan was created for and the country was led onto a path of confused Islamisation. His vision for Pakistan was limited to an Islamic state subservient to the West, with a stamp of Arab imperialism—a far cry from what Iqbal envisaged for India's Muslims. (Of course, after Russia was thrown out of Afghanistan, he was duly discarded. Plucked out of Pakistan’s political system—which the West believed, was now ready for ‘true’ democracy.) Zia’s rule demonstrated a patent lack of political insight and we were not only invaded by millions of Afghan refugees—which resulted in a demographic change in Pakistan—but also by the Kalashnikov, drugs and a radical Islamic school of thought. A combination which eventually gave birth to the likes of the Taliban, Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and which rests on principles far from what was envisaged by the Holy Prophet (pbuh) and ascribed in The Quran. At a time when it was important for Pakistan to pursue healthy relations with countries in the Middle East, Zia was busy playing pawn to the Saudi and American establishments and isolating us from countries such as Iran. In his defence, though, I would agree that American dollars being siphoned while enroute to the Afghan mujahideen was too attractive an opportunity to miss.
What followed was a constant import of ‘militant fundamentalism’ into the country. The Saudis, eager to thwart Iranian influence in Pakistan, started funding small-time mullahs and this process snowballed. Madrassahs were built and used as training grounds for militants and funding came from different coffers. Today, these militant factions are established organisations, recruiting by the day, and governments in the past have found it impossible to effectively ‘handle’ them. So much so, one wonders why the administration could not bar hate-mongering individuals such as Maulana Azim Tariq from holding political office and roaming the streets in jeeps laden with gun-toting guards. While watching a 1995 BBC documentary about new militant factions emerging in Pakistan as ‘saviours’ of the Muslim ummah, I noted these groups’ manifestos emphatically proclaim the country should rid itself of ‘heretics’ and a jihad be waged against ‘kafirs’. Interesting concept.
The Taliban. One could write volumes on these blokes! Not recognised as a valid government by any country expect a handful (including Pakistan and Saudi Arabia), Afghanistan proudly finances itself with its sole export: drugs. The Taliban commit atrocities openly against the minority and one only has to sit and speak to those who have fled to neighbouring lands to recognise the torture endured by young women, children and men. The tales of horrible treatment meted out to 'non-believers' chill one to the bones. Yet from The Khyber to Karachi, the 'Talibanisation' of our country continues unabated. The influence yielded by this group grows steadily and successive governments' policies have proved to be catalysts to this process.
Scene 4
Hostile forces are on Pakistan's eastern borders. Three wars have been fought in the past and during these wars only Iran has provided some strategic depth. Relations with Russia, a former yet still formidable superpower are sour and there is deep linkage between her and India. China, a long standing friend, is now getting a little irked by us not following its advice on setting our own house in order and leaving disputes on the back burners till such time as Pakistan build its economic muscles and is able to press the case for Kashmir. In this scenario, where India and Russia are conspiring to strike at our very foundations, we decide on recommendations of certain institutions involved with the Taliban to view Iran with suspicion and flirt with catastrophic consequences. How happily we choose to mortgage our future to opium selling, gun-toting, obscurantist mullahs—the very rogues who were identified by Jinnah as enemies of the state.
Though some readers may be surprised, I consider Pakistan’s foreign policy—or lack of one—as being one of the main reasons for fanning ethnic and religious conflict. In the last fifty years, each successive government has ruled with a pre-planned agenda. Pakistan should realise that the tide is now changing. American interest in India's geo-political and IT potential is cause for concern. In fact, I fear a time may come when even Iran and Saudi Arabia join hands for regional and economic co-operation. In such a scenario, Pakistan may be further isolated. An isolation, which brings with it further misery.
A lesson is to be learnt from Iran. A country at the brink of moral decay was reigned in and led forward on Islamic principles by a man who is admired the world over as a messiah. Khomeini knew what Iran required and he delivered. Over time, his country stood staunch in the face of scathing criticism and economic embargoes. Yet the establishment persevered with its formula for establishing a country based on Islamic principles. It proved that it is possible to pursue foreign relations with the western world without compromising on fundamentals. Today, Iran is gaining immense respect and even the ‘satanic’ Americans are forced to realise that the ‘Moderate’—Khatami—will be able to steer his country towards greater prosperity. The world recognises and appreciates the room for internal reform in Iran. Need I remind anyone of Christine Amanpour’s interview with Iranian president on CNN?
From the causes, I now move on to rectification. The problem at hand, therefore, rests on what needs to be done to douse the flames of sectarianism.
The solution is simple, as it is drastic. I address it, firstly, to Moinuddin Haider—our Interior Minister—with the hope that he may achieve what his predecessors did not. Do not make empty political statements to appease religious factions. Come down with an iron fist on these clowns acting as defenders of the faith. Use all the resources at the army’s disposal to chase them out and make their lives miserable—as they have done for the thousands of families they destroyed. Go after them with menace and set up special courts to deal solely with sectarian issues. Make examples of these enemies of the state and spread fear in their hearts. Continue with sincerity to completely de-weaponise our society. Close down these madrassahs spewing forth religious hatred—and please do not accept the argument that 99% of all such institutions are clean. They are not. They are breeding grounds for a generation of mutated mullahs and should be exterminated. Bringing these barbarians to the table and expecting some sort of a cease-fire unveils the government's weakness in tackling the matter.
Secondly, I address the government machinery—I see no point in singularly addressing a certain section or department as we all are aware of the system of governance in our political scenario. The transfusion of tolerance towards minorities in Pakistan needs to adopt a top-down approach. Our policy on Afghanistan and Kashmir lacked direction and delivered little results. Pakistan, situated in the core of a South Asian flash point, became a party to too many gatecrashers. On the menu were opportunities for a variety of militant groups to flagrantly defy the rule of law and violate people's freedom, without any check on their subservient activities. This culture pervaded our society and started tearing at its fabric. Today, tattered, we stand and watch helplessly as these barbarians slowly hack away at what is left of Jinnah's dream.
When I reflect on Pakistan’s current scenario, I shudder at the prospects. We, as a people, need to realise where this country is heading. The road to complete anarchy and civil war is not an option. I hope I speak not just for the minority in Pakistan, but for the entire population. Not curbing ethnic cleansing at this stage can have the most horrific consequences. . .did someone mention Rwanda?
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