Balkan Tragedy: A Re-enactment of the 1971 Genocide in Bangladesh

This one just came out in Dhaka`s leading English daily `The New Nation.`



Unfolding Pinochet drama and lesson for Pakistani genocidal army officers

Dr. A.H. Jaffor Ullah

THE high drama of General Augusto Pinochet`s extradition hearings is about to end anytime soon in Great Britain. The news coming out of London these days does not bode well for the Chilean ex-despot. There is a good probability that he will be extradited to Spain where a full-blown trial will commence to prove that the General was responsible for the killings of some Spanish citizens in Chilean soil during the early days of purge orchestrated by his regime.

The British authority arrested General Pinochet on October 16, 1998, on a Spanish warrant alleging that his regime committed murder, torture, and genocide dating from 1973. Mr. Pinochet was visiting England as usual for some medical treatment. In the past, Gen. Pinochet had enjoyed free movement in Great Britain because the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher and John Major were in good terms with the Chilean despot. But now things are little different and the worldview regarding genocide had changed for the better from the perspective of victims, of course. The government of Tony Blair (Labour Party) seems to be more sympathetic to the plights of Chilean victims and as such General Pinochet had fallen from the grace of British authorities.

All the high drama in England, the extradition hearings of General Pinochet, is a feast to the eyes of freedom loving people all across the globe. The news, I presume, has some special meaning to millions of Bengalis, who themselves were the victims of another genocide that took place some continents away in the southern hemisphere in Chile two years after Bangladesh Genocide. General Pinochet, the army strongman, overthrew democratically elected Marxist President Salvador Allende with the able help of a powerful foreign government. This happened at the time when cold war was at the zenith. The Bangladesh Genocide lasted barely nine months but the ferocity with which the Pakistani army killed three millions Bengalis is unparalleled in the annals of history of humankind. Sadly, the truth to the matter is that not many people throughout the world had so far realised that genocide of this humongous proportion had indeed taken place in 1971.

Who is to be blamed for this? The onus squarely falls on the government of Bangladesh for not publicising the enormity of this genocide. No doubt in 1972, the government of Sheikh Mujib inherited a war-ravaged country; the priorities those days were more of a nation building than chasing the marauding Pakistani soldiers who went under the fold of India. Mind you that after the brief war was over in mid December 1971 approximately 90,000 murderous Pakistani soldiers were taken to Indian soil in the name of POW leaving the Bengalis to grieve for the death of three million people of their own. Talk about justice in the world!

The other two governments that followed Sheikh Mujib, who was overthrown violently by some rogue junior army officers, did not do much to bring the issue of Bangladesh Genocide with the guilty party, the nation of Pakistan. The army generals who ruled (may be misrule is the right word) Bangladesh over the long fifteen year period were busier in taking the country into the fold of Islamic Nations rather than asking Pakistan, a Muslim Country, to hand over the culprits of Bangladesh Genocide to International Court. In 1991, democracy finally arrived in Bangladesh as the whirlwind of democracy was sweeping past our tiny nation being managed by a charlatan, corrupt, and lascivious person. But sadly, the democratically elected Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Mrs. Khaleda Zia, was more interested forging a good relationship with Pakistan to strengthen our Islamic-tie rather than asking them to settle our score over the issue of Bangladesh Genocide. Well, such were the vagaries of life!

Amidst all the chaos and consternation of eighties, the party that was responsible for unshackling the misrule of Pakistanis in 1971 was out of picture from the governance of the nation. Finally, they came into the power in 1996 after twenty-one years of long silence when they were declared victorious in a fair election. After they came into the power, we thought they would be on our side to revive the issue of Bangladesh Genocide. But how wrong was I. In 1997, Mrs. Hasina Wazed, the present Prime Minister of Bangladesh once raised the issue of 1971 war criminals as Mr. Nawaz Sharif had visited Dhaka. Mr. Sharif gave a superb lip service to unsuspecting Bangladesh Prime Minister telling her that something would be done about it. On his return to Islamabad, Mr. Sharif made a public announcement stating that the persons responsible for the wrongdoing during 1971 war in erstwhile East Pakistan should be punished. Later we heard in the news media that Pakistani army was dead against such a move by the Prime Minister. It has been two long years since then that we have not heard any new news about war criminals of 1971 both coming from the authorities of Bangladesh and Pakistan. Naturally, it seems to be a dead issue as far as the Prime Ministers of both the countries are concerned.

Fortunately, civic organisations and some writers had taken up the slack. The Internet forum of `News From Bangladesh` (NFB) had published scores of articles on Bangladesh Genocide within the last two years. These articles had made inroads into the minds and hearts of expatriate Bengalis. Some of the NFB articles on Bangladesh Genocide had found a second home in print journals published by expatriate Bengalis, which they publish to celebrate the Independence Day of Bangladesh. More and more, young generation Bengalis are now very much receptive to the issue of war crimes of 1971, and gone are the days of reticence.

An interesting revelation was made in the Internet in February 1999 as the world was showing much interest to the stories of Pinochet being in the hot water. A retired Brigadier from Pakistan army by the name Z.A. Khan published his memoir that graphically detailed the destruction, and wanton killing in occupied Bangladesh in the hands of marauding Pakistani soldiers in the first few months in 1971. In this memoir, entitled ``The way it was,`` Lieutenant Colonel (who later became Brigadier in Pakistan) Z.A. Khan described the unfolding events of 1971while he was in Comilla, Chittagong, and Chittagong Hill Tracts. The NFB immediately reprinted these excerpts in seven part series in March 1997. After reading the account of Z.A. Khan, which is replete with gory details of wanton killings and banishment of Bengalis, I prepared an incomplete list of Pakistani army officers responsible for the planning and execution of a full-scale ethnic cleansing in occupied Bangladesh. This list was circulated widely all over the globe through the courtesy of various newsgroups in the Internet.

In February and March 1999 as Serbian army of Slobodan Milosevic intensified theirs ethnic cleansing operation in Muslim dominated Kosovo province the entire world was becoming more tuned to the genocide issue. This happened only after the whole world viewed in graphic details the innocent Muslim Kosovar Albanian fleeing en masse to neighboring Macedonia and Albania to save their dear lives. The NATO-led bombing of Yugoslavia in late March and April heightened the awareness of Balkan Genocide even more and the world press was having a field day narrating the evils of Kosovar genocide of ethnic Albanians in which Yugoslav President Milosevic was negatively portrayed as classic megalomaniac.

In early April an article entitled ``Balkan Tragedy: A Re-enactment of the 1971 Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in Bangladesh`` (authored by Jamal Hasan) appeared in NFB and later reappeared at a lightning speed in various Internet forums including the one call ``Chowk,`` managed by some Pakistani group. In this article Jamal Hasan pointed out poignantly that some of the war criminals of 1971 is still alive and he mentioned the name of Brigadier Z.A. Khan among others who would fit the profile of killers of Bengalis during the nine month period in 1971. A discussion forum ensued right away to further discuss the genocidal aspects of Jamal Hasan`s article. As the discussion was progressing in full steam, the daughter of Brigadier Z.A. Khan, Ms. Muneezae Khan, posted her remarks in which she threatened a law suit against the author Jamal Hasan unless he retracts part of his article where he labeled the Brigadier as one fitting the profile of a 1971 war criminal. Another person by the Name Mr. Omar, identifying him as a friend of the Z.A. Khan`s family, was even more adamant than the Brigadier`s daughter demanding an outright apology from Jamal Hasan for alleging Z.A. Khan to be part of the genocidal Pakistani army. At the time of this writing (April 17, 1999), the ``Chowk`` debate was intensifying on the hour, every hour, as Internet debaters with pro-`71 leaning were converging in ``Chowk`` website (http://www.chowk.com).

I reckon this is a very opportune time for Bengalis to write articles bringing back the sad memories of genocidal actions of Pakistani army and razakars into the fore. The Pinochet high drama and the plights of Kosovars Albanian fleeing their ancient homeland to get away from marauding Serb soldiers are providing an ideal backdrop for us to rekindle the spirit of seventy-one. The take home message from our brief encounter with the daughter and friend of alleged Pakistani war criminals of 1971 is that they still would like to portray the events of our struggle for independence as something as lowly as the action of some renegades who wanted eastern province to break away from mother Pakistan. To Mr. Omar and Ms. Muneezae, Sheikh Mujib is still a ``Ghaddar`` or traitor. What an obloquy! Moreover, the gratuitous killings of `East Pakistanis` were a justifiable act for murderous Pakistani soldiers simply because the Bengalis were ``despicable rebels.`` This is not words, folks! Some very educated Pakistanis are posting their messages in ``Chowk`` website.

Bangladesh`s Prime Minister Mrs. Hasina Wazed should take a note of this ``controversy`` that is brewing out there in the cyberspace. Her good office could help the cause of bringing the 1971 war criminals from Pakistan for prosecution. For this she has to happen she ought to request Pakistan`s Prime Minister Mr. Nawaz Sharif. I wonder whether Mrs. Hasina Wazed was keen on bringing the issue into the fore while Mr. Sharif visited Dhaka to attend the meeting of Muslim nations in February. We all know that the question of repatriation of 250,000 stranded ``Pakistanis`` in Bangladesh was a major issue that was being discussed by the Prime Ministers of both the countries. Mrs. Hasina Wazed again missed an excellent opportunity to raise the 1971 war crime issue to Pakistan`s Prime Minister who was not involved in any way with war crimes at the time. So, why this step-motherly attitude towards her people by Mrs. Hasina Wazed? Remember this was the same person who went an extra mile to get even with the killers of her father and other family members. Does the life of three million slaying Bengalis in the hands of murderous and recalcitrant Pakistani army in 1971 mean much to her?

Some expatriate Bengalis have taken the onerous task of challenging the killers of three million Bengalis; they want justice to be done so that the departed souls may find peace knowing some are actively pursuing the lost cause. The Prime Minister of Bangladesh may join her compatriots to assuage the pains of the sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, and mother and fathers of the departed ones. If she is not that receptive to the ideas of fair play, she may do her usual thing, i.e., run Bangladesh in a lackluster way. Nevertheless, rest assured our struggle to bring those killers would continue unabated. Even if it means there is one last killer somewhere in Multan, Faislabad, Peshawar, Muree, Lahore, or in some obscure part of a country they call it erroneously the ``Pure-Land.``

(Dr. A.H. Jaffor Ullah writes from New Orleans, Louisiana, USA)

Re: ALL BENGALIS ON THE ISSUE OF 1971 GENOCIDE

For the record my position has already been stated on this issue in a prior post. I think that Pakistan owes an explanation, of the events of 1971, to the people of Bangladesh, and an apology for the same said events of 1971.

Having said that, I have three questions and one comment to make. I would appreciate if someone would take the trouble to answer them.

1) It has been claimed that three million Bengalis died in the events of 1971 over a period of nearly ten months. It is further said that these people died at the hands of the Pakistani Army. If so, could anyone please furnish a complete breakdown of the people killed and where they were killed and by which units of the Pakistan Army.

2) I raised this question earlier, but no one bothered to reply. So, I am asking this again. Why has there been a period of 28 years between the commission of the crime and the act of charging those responsible for committing those crimes.

3) Where is the documention listing these crimes?

Lastly my comment is simply this. The Bengali irregular forces are themselves responsible for committing war crimes and can be charged with such crimes. It is my understanding, open to correction, that Pakistani soldiers who were taken prisoners were routinely executed by these forces. This assertion has also been reported in the newspaper accounts, of western media, of the war.

Secondly, in the InterActs to this article, on Chowk, there appeared a post which detailed the dishonoring of a Pakistani general in a stadium watched by a crowd. It was said in the post that certain Bengladeshi officers tore off his insignias and publically humilated him, for his conduct during the war, after he had surundered.

If such actions had indeed taken place, and such actions were documented; were encourged sotto voce by elements of the Bangladeshi military or the irregulars fighting against the Pakistani armed forces, they would in fact be and could be held in violation of the Protocols of the Geneva Conventions on the Treatment of Prisoners of War. The Geneva Convention is quite explict on this matter; any public humilation, or degrading the dignity of a PoW or in any manner seeking a political or a propanganda advantage is construed to be a breech of the Protocols of the Geneva Convention and such is considered to be an act of a war crime.

The case of the Pakistani general, documented, being dishonored consitutes a classification of a war crime. As to the summary execution of Pakistani PoWs, the Geneva Convention is quite clear when it articulates that no form of retribution can be taken against the PoW, because a PoW is held in the same classification as an unarmed civilian. There is ample evidence to suggest that retribution was indeed meted out to Pakistani PoWs.

The above comments are not intended to absolve the Pakistani Armed Forces from any accountability nor does it proffer itself as an aplogia pro forma for the actions of the Pakistani Armed Forces, in what was former East Pakistan, during the year 1971.

Rather, the intent of this comment is to prove that, during the period of 1971, there was no one group which did not have blood on its hands. The Bengali irregular forces are as much guilty of alleged war crimes as various Pakistani officers and units are alleged to be. In a more specific manner, it is the intent of this comment to suggest that Bengalis and people of Bangladesh do not have the moral high ground to castigate Pakistani conduct, in 1971, while holding themselves and their conduct in that war to be beyond the pale of sin.

The period of 1971 was a dark and bloody chapter in the histories of both nations, Pakistan and Bangladesh, and is a wound which festers like an open sore and one which refuses to heal. In the interests of both nations, there has to be a concerted effort to root out the truth, however odious it shall be, and to hear the verdict of history, no matter how unpleasant it might be. This obligation of hearing the truth is not only a means to repay a debt of honor, owed to the victims regardless of the color of their national shourds, but also to lay the revanchist demons of our common past to rest so that our children would not have to suffer these guilt ridden nightmares of our national conscience.

Sincerely and respectfully.

An observation on the striking parallels in William Shakespeare`s `Hamlet,` and The Tragedie in East Pakistan in 1971.

United Pakistan being represented by both Hamlet`s murdered father`s ghost and by Ophelia

Mujib as earlier stated in the role of Laertes and Claudius

Yahya Khan in the role of Hamlet

The graveyard scene

Hamlet and Laertes jump into Ophelia`s grave struggling next to her body.

Interpretation: (Picture)Yahya Khan and Mujib jumping into United Pakistan`s grave, struggling next to United Pakistan`s body, in 1971.

This is the drama that unfolded.

Claudius`s incestous union with his dead brother`s wife lends itself to striking comparision with Mujib and the Awami League and the Mukti Bahini`s incestous embrace of India during 1971, and of course if we go back to the Agarthala conspiracy, even much earlier, though i hesitate to comment more on this side issue much further.

Dear Mr. Nawaz Khan,

I am the daughter who supposedly grew up on the looted milk of innocent Bengali kids. What my father failed to mention in his book, being an honourable man was that my mother told Sepoy Aziz to immediately return the milk. She would rather have her daughter hungry than be fed on stolen milk.

Not that anyone of you people believe me so why not just go ahead and try me - as a two year old perpetrating genocide.

Many accusations have been hurled against the Pakistan Army. Yet no one has mentioned the scores of innocent non-Bengalis who were slaughtered. In Chittagong alone, which was under Zia ur Rahman`s control, the blood of non-Bengalis was collected in drums, there were similar acts all over. No one has admitted that these crimes were committed, Bengalis are only the aggrieved party. Maybe we should ask all those people who lost their loved ones how they would like to treat those butcheres who massacred their relatives.

Someone mentioned Havaldar Major Khan Wazir giving Mujib a resounding slap for his

follies; at least he was more merciful, his own people were less forgiving, not only did they kill him, they did not even spare his family. In fact all the heroes of the creation of Bangladesh met with the same fate. Murdered and executed as their selfish motives were discovered - SheikhMujib, Zia ur Rahman, Khalid Musharraf , to name a few.

Lets not forget East Pakistanis rebelled, they were a part of Pakistan (which they very conveniently forget), and hence were treated like rebels.

We the innocent girls of 28 years ago, are the wise women of Pakistan today. Aware of the fact, that East Pakistan was a part of Pakistan and not occupied by Pakistan. Bengalis, past and present, have always acted as the aggrieved party seeking justice after causing the initial trouble. After all what else can you expect from the descendents of Mir Jafer.

The Pakistani Generals were not joking, the 65 million Bengalis prostrated themselves and sold their souls to Indra Gandhi and the 600 million Indians for ever. Yet they blame West Pakistanis for all their woes.

The epitaph will read ``man sleeping comfortably in this place told the whole truth `never trust a Bengali```.

Muneezae Alam Khan.

Comments on the article by :

(Dr. A.H. Jaffor Ullah writes from New Orleans, Louisiana, USA)

In this article Jamal Hasan pointed out poignantly that some of the war criminals of 1971 is still alive and he mentioned the name of Brigadier Z.A. Khan among others who would fit the profile of killers of Bengalis during the nine month period in 1971.

Response: He (Jamal Hasan) did not say ‘would’ or use the term ‘may’ or even ‘alleged’. That seemingly slight difference is also part of the difference between a constitutionally protected expression of free speech and advocacy under the first Amendment in the U.S. I.E The difference between an unfounded and malicious statement of fact which has brought him into the ambit of a Civil suit, and a mere ‘opinion.’ He should really consult a lawyer, as should Chowk and any other internet publication based in the U.S, and subject to its laws, that publishes this or an other article that defames Z.A Khan.

Another person by the Name Mr. Omar, identifying him as a friend of the Z.A. Khan`s family, was even more adamant than the Brigadier`s daughter demanding an outright apology from Jamal Hasan for alleging Z.A. Khan to be part of the genocidal Pakistani army

Response: The fact that the Pakistan army in East Pakistan was ‘genocidal’ has never been proven in any competent court of law though you may be able to convince a court of it theoretically. It is however a constitutionally protected characterization of the Pakistani army’s conduct in 1971. BUT, you cannot accuse an individual member of that army as being prima facie guilt of committing ‘heinous crimes’, that amount to participation in genocide without some concrete proof of his actions. I hope Jamal Hasan has some proff of Z.A Khan’s ‘crimes and atrocities.’ I look forward to hearing more about them if any such proof exists whatsoever.

I reckon this is a very opportune time for Bengalis to write articles bringing back the sad memories of genocidal actions of Pakistani army and razakars into the fore.

Response: I’m afraid no amount of sad stories of repression at the hands of the Pakistani army in East Pakistan in 1971 will move me or any court to find Z.A Khan guilty or complicit in the crime of genocide unless it relates to his personal conduct, or that of troops directly under his command acting under his orders. Ditto for any Civil Court in the U.S.

Moreover, the gratuitous killings of `East Pakistanis` were a justifiable act for murderous Pakistani soldiers simply because the Bengalis were ``despicable rebels.``

Response: I never used the phrase ‘despicable rebels.’ I merely stated that those Bengali serving officers in the Pakistan army who committed mutiny are not gallant heroes. Nor does anyone have any cause to complain about their being summarily tried by the Pakistan army, court marshaled, and shot. I also stated that these particular individuals are not protected by the Geneva conventions because they were not the soldiers of an ‘enemy’ state at war with the state of Pakistan. I am legally correct, though it may pain you deeply.

Does the life of three million slaying Bengalis in the hands of murderous and recalcitrant Pakistani army in 1971 mean much to her?

Response: In my earlier posts I elaborated on how India manipulated the world media, and even visiting U.S Congressmen as to the actual numbers in the refugee camps. It also refused to allow those who wished to avail themselves of the Pakistan government’s Amnesty offer to return to East Pakistan because it was intent on using the crisis to achieve its own geopolitical aims, which were the dismemberment of United Pakistan. Furthermore India refused to allow the U.N to actually count the number of refugees in the camps. Also, a large number of impoverished citizens of India in West Bengal migrated into the camps because of the guaranteed free meals there provided by the Indian government. They too were counted as ‘refugees’, from East Pakistan. Being Bengalis, and impoverished, who could tell the difference. The LIE of 10 million refugees displaced from East Pakistan was spread by India which deliberately encouraged panic in East Pakistan with its radio broadcasts urging East Pakistanis to flee the Pakistani army to India. Similarly the so called 3 million dead Bengalis in the conflict is another myth spread by Indian propaganda, and repeated ad nauseaum by scholars and Bengalis without any serious critical examination. It has never been questioned, because like the ‘holocaust’ it has become a ‘sacred national truth’, which is accepted without question by all Bengalis.

Memories of the Bangladesh Independence Struggle

By Shamsul Haque

The article entitled `Reminiscing March 26, 1971` written by Dr. Jaffor Ullah (The Daily Star, March 26, 1999) has uncovered a number of thoughts regarding our glorious Independence Struggle. In his article Dr. Ullah recalled and reported a series of amazingly detailed and lucid accounts of his personal memories of 1971. During the Liberation War (LW), Dr. Ullah was studying in America, and did not witness all those dramatic events happening in the then East Pakistan. However, it seems quite clear that Dr. Ullah had a strong mental attachment with the events that were taking place during and immediately prior to the commencement of the LW. He was equally influenced by the independence movement like the whole Bangalee nation living in the then East Pakistan.

The most interesting point raised in the article is whether the spirit of the LW has influenced the behaviour of our political leaders and been used to the nation building activities during 28 years of independence. This is the very basic question as far as Bangladesh is concerned. In my opinion, it would be worthwhile to carry out exclusive research to examine whether personal memories influence people in their efforts to build up the structure of a society whatsoever.

Background information and methodology

There have been few attempts to examine the memory of Bangladeshi people, and in particular the memories of the independence struggle, to explore its impact on various socio-political activities undertaken to build up the nation. However, some academic works have been carried out to investigate personal memories of younger and older Bangladeshi people in the recent years (see Conway & Haque, 1999). Unlike the younger generation, older people have directly experienced the independence struggle of 1971, and were anyway part of the mass movement against Pakistani military dictators in late sixties.

I am going to briefly present the findings of the study conducted by Conway and Haque (1999) and try to relate them with the points made by Dr. Ullah in his article. Conway and Haque (1999) carried out an autobiographical memory research on 106 Bangladeshi volunteers, ranging in age from 20 to 86 years, in the Psychology Laboratory of Dhaka University.

Participants were presented with 15 cue words, one at a time, printed on cards, and instructed to bring to mind a memory of an experience of which each cue word reminded them. They were further instructed to recall a memory of an event which they had directly experienced and which lasted over a period of seconds, minutes, or hours, but no longer one 1 day. Participants were told to sample memories widely from across their life spans but not to recall memories less than one year old. Within these constraints, participants were to respond with the first memory to come to mind.

The 15 cue words used in the study comprised 5 categories: naming common locations (restaurant, market, park), general objects (chair, table, television), significant others (father, mother, friend), positive emotions (happy, joy, cheerful), and negative emotions (frustration, pain, sad). Conway and Haque accumulated 1,590 memories from the participants. They analysed 1,585 memories (five memories were omitted due to missing data) in terms of the age of the participant at the time of the event occurred, which ranged from 3 to 79 years. The participants were divided into two groups: a younger group (ages ranged from 20 to 46 years), and an older group (ages ranged from 47 to 86 years).

What did we learn from this study?

The researchers portrayed lifespan retrieval curves for the younger and older groups for portions of memories falling in each decade (e.g., 0-10, 11-20, 21-30, 31-40, 41-50, 51-60, 61-70, 71-80). The results revealed that the younger group recalled most of their memories from their age between 10 to 30 years. This period of increased remembering is known as the reminiscence bump in memory literature. However, the older group showed two bumps: the first bump occurred between 10 to 25 years of age, and the second bump between 40 to 50 years of age.

Although the first bump is one of the most robust findings in contemporary memory research, the second bump appeared to be an unusual phenomenon. In order to explain the second bump, the researchers carried out further analysis, and showed that the period of the second bump clearly corresponded to the period from 1962 to 1971 when a number of crucial national and political events occurred in the then East Pakistan.

The period from 1962 to 1969 witnessed an intense opposition by the Bangalee people that resulted in the downfall of the Pakistani military dictators. In 1970 there was a national Parliamentary election in Pakistan in which the Pakistan Awami League (the biggest political party for the Bangalee people) won a majority of the seats in Parliament. According to the constitution, the Awami League should then have formed the government. However, the Pakistani rulers refused to hand over power to the League.

A critical moment in the struggle for independence then occurred during a public meeting held on March 7, 1971, when, in the presence of about 100,000 people, the much respected Bangalee leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman announced a policy of non-cooperation with the government. This announcement initiated an armed confrontation that lasted for approximately 9 months and resulted in the freeing of the Bangalee people from Pakistani rule and the establishment of the independent state of Bangladesh.

The findings of the study of Conway and Haque (1999) go in favour of the general observation of Dr. Ullah in which he mentioned that any Bangalees of Bangladesh who is 38 years and above would be able to clearly remember many of his or her personal experiences from the period of the independence struggle.

The question now is why the Bangalees of Bangladesh are so capable to recollect many of their experiences occurring during that specific period rather than the other life time periods? It is vital to investigate whether the personal and the social behaviour of Bangalees are at all influenced by those experiences. Is their any association between the spirit of the Liberation War and the memories of events taken place during those turmoil periods of 1971? Within the limited scope, we will only try to answer why Bangladeshi people retained all those struggle-related memories after all these years. To realise the point we have to look back a little further to the Language Movement of 1952.

Protracted Trauma of Bangalees for the period 1952-1971

In 1952 the Bangalee nation had to organise a massive counter-movement against the Pakistani colonial ruler to protect its own language: Bangla. Through this movement a powerful impetus grew for independence from Pakistan. The period of threat of destruction of the Bangalee language and culture virtually started just after the independence of Pakistan in 1948 when Jinnah announced that Urdu will be the only state language of Pakistan. The movement to protect the Bangalee language and culture gradually turned to the struggle for democracy and independence.

The threats by the Pakistani military dictators during this period and the counter-movements organised by the Bangalee people caused a protracted trauma for the entire Bangalee nation in the then East Pakistan. But it was on the highest level during the Liberation Struggle in 1971 when three million people were killed and ten million people were forced to leave the country. Hundreds of villages were burnt and thousands of women were raped.

Thus, the Bangalees` experiences of 1971 were often surprising in nature, highly personally significant, and associated with intense emotions, and these are the ideal materials for the formation of long lasting autobiographical memories (for further discussion on this point see Conway & Haque, 1999).

Now let us come to the central point of our discussion. It is empirically supported that the Bangalee people of Bangladesh have not forgotten their memories of 1971. However, it is usually claimed that the common people are little influenced by those experiences in their everyday activities. It is difficult to believe this point without any research evidence. If we consider the point as a truth for the sake of argument, what might be the reason behind it? It seems likely that our political leaders are mainly responsible for the whole issue.

Whatever happened to the spirit of 1971?

The people of Bangladesh were often been mislead, deceived, and bluffed by their politicians. People have been frustrated as none of the political pledges have been met during 28 years of independence. Therefore, it seems people are less inclined to be geared up again and work for a new and prosperous society according to the spirit of the Liberation War. It is our politicians who are on the front line and responsible for all the misdeeds going on in our society. They neither care about the spirit of the LW nor the expectations of the common people. Why has it happened like this?

Among other reasons, there was a sustained and organised move to demolish the achievements of our liberation war by some vested groups that started just after the emergence of the independent Bangladesh. They successfully created confusion among the people about different issues related to the independence struggle. People became easily divided when they saw that their leaders were split up into different groups concerning several fundamental points with high national significance.

For example, the issue of the declaration of the independence of Bangladesh, and the issue regarding our nationality. People were extremely frustrated when they saw that the post-liberation government failed to solve many of the burning problems. For example, law and order situation, and misery of public life.

The bottom line

In conclusion, older people of Bangladesh still remember their experiences of the LW with considerable respect. Their dream is to construct a modern and happy society free from poverty, illiteracy, child and women repression, human rights violation, and communalism. To make the dream a reality the people need a group of new leaders who are influenced by the spirit of our glorious liberation struggle and equipped with modern democratic traditions and values.

Additionally, there should be an all out effort to teach the younger generation about our history, culture and heritage. If the younger generation is properly educated in this way, the innocent people of Bangladesh might expect such a society in the near future which they actually like to see.

The author writes from Bristol, England. He is writing a Ph. D. dissertation in Experimental Psychology at the University of Bristol, Bristol, Great Britain.

OMAR1974 need to understand difference between tragic history of real people of Bangladesh and characters in Shakespearean tragedy. Mujib was elected leader of a political party of Pakistan and have had absolute majority in the national assembly to become Prime Minister of the country. A person already elected to be Prime Minister by the people need not to be greedy for power. Yahya was a paid solder to guard the sovrinighty of the country and Bhutto was suppose to be leader of the opposition. When solders like Yahya becomes greedy, finds sycophant like Bhutto and subordinate like Brig. Z. A. Khan results are the tragic consequence of Pakistani genocide in Bangladesh.

Re Post #101

Dear Sir,

I am a Bengali whose antecedents in Bengal go back to the last martyred Nawab Sirajuddowla. I will be the first one to accept the fact that Bengali freedom fighters did commit atrocities during the 1971 Independence War. There is no excuse for such conduct. Nonetheless, these atrocities are analogous to the same committed by the Kashmiri freedom fighters and the defenders of Bosnia in this very decade. I, for one, will be more than happy to see a war crimes tribunal ready to investigate, prosecute, and if necessary, convict all those responsible for atrocities of 1971 regardless of the ``colour of their national shroud``. I suspect that the reason that a disproportionate share of the responsibility rests on the occupation forces in 1971 is the fact that it was a regular army, commanded by regular officers, and presided over by a government which was in de facto control of the territory and a signatory to the Geneva Conventions. As for the humiliation of Gen Niazi at Dhaka Racecourse, it was his Indian chums since these Indians didn`t allow Bangladeshi commanders to be there at the surrender ceremony. Nonetheless, it is a violation of accepted practice.

Why have these charges not been brought to the light after 28 years? The reason is the same as why the Hamoodur RAhman report is still buried. Someone doesn`t want the truth to come out. Specifics of the case of atrocities are all too easy to find in any Bangladesh media; but the problem is to sift and collate hardcore evidence as against propaganda.

Like the author himself, I want all this behind us. Born in Karachi, I love the city more than any in the world. Bangladesh and Pakistan have a lot to benefit from each other if these ugly antecedents of the past were taken care of in a just manner. If England and America can be the best of friends, so can Pakistan and Bangladesh.

I am saddened and hurt to see the rhetoric of Ms. Khan, the Brigadier`s daughter. While I cannot speak for others, I for one have been very respectful towards her father who only did his duty. As a child of POWs who were interned for three years in Karachi, I think that is quite a bit of generosity. As for the reference to Mir Jafar, Ms. Khan, I am a descendant of Sirajjodowla who was betrayed by the Bihari Mir Jafar. And please do not forget that ``do not trust`` Bengalis defended Lahore in 1965 when jawan after jawan of 1st and 2nd East Bengal Regiment blew himself up to knock out Indian tanks. The only constitutional rebel and traitor in the whole scenario is the late Yahya Khan who raped the constituion of Pakistan when he refused to obey the wishes of the majority of the Pakistani people as expressed thru the ballot in 1970. Let us never forget that Bengal was the only province where the Pakistan resolution was approved by the legislature; at the same time the Punjabi lawmakers were in cahoots with Hindu nationalists.

History aside, there is two things people like myself and Ms Khan (I am of the very same generation) can do: either pass on the bitterness to our children or create a new tomorrow of bilateral ties between two great people. I am for the latter. Where does she stand?

More on the 10 million refugees and 3 million dead Bengalis

We all know that India took approximately 90,000

Pakistan Army personnel as POW`s. Lets do the math. That means that Bengalis truly believe that on average each and every Pakistani soldier stationed in West Pakistan was responsible for killing 33 natives, er Bengalis, and dehoused 99 each! Do you really expect us to swallow these numbers without serious debate and proof knowing India`s role in generating them? You people need to do some serious historical revision and realize that this is just not possible. Bengalis have been blinded by Indian and their own propaganda about the tragedy so much that they have started believing it! (Hook, line and Sinker)

If a LIE like the 3 million dead, 10 million displaced is repeated often enough, it acquires a

life of its own. And then is cited and recited with references from one preceeding scholarly work after another without any examination of the basis for where the `hard numbers` actually were derived from.

The truth is the numbers just don`t match up.

Continuing from my previous post :

And all this killing is claimed to be within a period of under 9 months! What about the disposal of some many bodies. The Pakistan army as i stated earlier did not build crematoriums, so where are the mass graves? Do you people even know how much time it would have taken to dig the graves alone for the Pakistani soldiers? I haven`t heard any allegations that Bengalis were forced to dig the mass graves that surely must house these victims of genocide. Where are they? Come on lets hear it.

RE: Sigalph 235

``A nation deserves a state. Bengalis, no matter

where they live, deserve the whole Bangladesh

that was cheated out of them by Mountbatten,

Nehru and Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah.``

Of Course one cannot blame the millions of muslim

banglabandhus who voted for the muslim league

and, by all accounts, formed the largest

constituency in favor of Pakistan! How are they

to be blamed for breaking up the one inviolate

``Bangladesh``?

Regarding creating a bengali nation over ``rivers

of blood``, please do remember that it was you who

partitioned bengal, and that the rivers of blood

that flowed in 1947 were those of your hindu

bengali ``brothers``, and it was your hands which

were bloody.

If you were so eager for partition then, then why

is it now that you suddenly discover your real

nationality? If your lover spurns you, please do

not expect that your wife will be waiting with

open arms to take you back. Not even in the

subcontinent.

Re: Omar

Do you really think that people take the pain to go through your shakespearean fantasy . ? Cut the bull and talk on the facts will ya . ? Mujib was elected to lead united pakistan and when this will of the majority was rejected, the Bengalis realized that they can never have their say in United Pakistan (much as how the Pakistanis felt in United British India ) and they opted out. Atrocities were committed by both sides. In fact, the Bengalis freedom fighters probably were more brazen in committing the atrocities since they are not paid for their acts and their acts are bound purely by passion and anger (right or wrong ) very much similar to the atrocities committed by the kashmiri fighters in India (butchering innocent marriage parties in cold blood which no government can do). India manipulated the whole affair just like pakistan is doing today with kashmir. The only differences are.

1 ) kashmir rebellion is only on a communal religious angle, while the bengalis fought for their self respect .

2 ) If the bengalis were treated equals they would not have opted out. Even though the kashmiris are being treated more than equal, they want to opt out because atleast the rebels want a muslim nation.

3 ) Both the Bengali issue and the kashmir issue are creations of pakistan. In the Bengali issue , india played the part of an opportunistic while in the kashmiri issue it is the victim. in the bengali issue , pakistan played the part of the cause and the oppressor, while in the kashmir issue it plays the part of the cause and the opportunistic facilitator.

4 ) War crimes were committed by both sides in the Bengali issue. But then it is easier to blame the others for our mistakes and if nothing works blame the outsider (india ).

5 ) Probably Z A Khan indeed was an honourable office who was not guilty of war crimes. If the bengalis want to disprove this, they should provide concrete evidence against him. And in this Omar is indeed right. Show the facts before you shoot the breeze my bengali friends.

-- Blame india if it makes you guys free of your errors. India is huge and so diverse that no one is really going to put up a defense . They are easy scapegoats, indeed. Atleast you guys can rest easy .

iconoclast

Re: sigalph235

Thank you for your comments. Your efforts were sincerely appreciated and your illumination of the topic was very helpful.

I hope you were not angered by my comments, but as a Pakistani I am tired of continually carrying all the historic baggage associated with our sub-continental history. If this article and the discussion which ensued from it is any indication, we are so tied to our past that we seem incapable of moving forward. An ancient Greek once said that, ``the past is prologue`` and with that in mind, we have to clarify the mistakes of our past, because unless we do so, we will still be caught up in a mean spirited cycle of blame, vengence, resentment and a propensity towards retribution.

I have nothing against the people of Bangladesh revisting their, and our, history to reconcile the past and close a painful chapter in their lives whose lessons are still vivid today. As this debate, on the scale and nature of a gencoide in East Pakistan, unfolds it is going to be a discussion highly charged with emotional content on both sides of the argument.

With this in mind, I would like to suggest, to all those interested in learning the truth, that an effort has to be made to establish what the actual facts were. Just from reading the InterActs, it is clear that there is no consensus on the facts (i.e. the number of people killed etc.). Unless a basic determination of the facts is made, any debate on the topic will be based on a subjective perspective. This topic, of a genocide, is too important to be relegated to allegations and counter allegations which only help to make the situation opaque instead of resolving any mutual disagreements. There has to be a strict accountabilty of facts and the verdict of history, if it is rendered, should be based on the facts of what really happened and not on some intution of an historic memory.

This issue, of what happened in 1971, has to be approached with all the tenacity of a crime scene investigation. Evidence has to be collected; the crime scene re-constructed and facts presented which support and prove that a crime was indeed committed and by whom. Otherwise, without actually showing facts to back up the asserations of a crime, this debate will rapidily degenerate into a series of accusations and rebuttals, which would only further antongize the participants without shedding any light on the issue being discussed.

To all engaged in this debate, all I can say is that you have, both Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, more in common than you realize. You both need to dertermine what the facts were and only through this recourse will you be able to prove your points. Without the basis of facts supporting either viewpoint, this will merely be an academic debate which will remain inconclusive in its final findings. Actual facts, ladies and gentlemen, will resolve this debate and not emotionally charged rhetorical speeches on the issue.

This issue must be settled expediously, because the potential of our common future should not be held hostage to the mistakes of our past. At stake in this debate is not the scope or the extent of guilt, but rather the unjust condemnation of the future generations. Indians, Pakistanis or Bangladeshis we all have a moral obligation to lay down our historic burdens so that others may not have to carry them.

The question we all have to ask is how much longer are we willing to shackle and bind our future generations to the yoke of our historic memeories! For their benefit and not ours, this question must be answered and it can only be answered if we have the facts to answer this question and as answer we must!

Sincerely.

Brahmanbaria: Time to Wake up from Slumber

By Mijanur Rahman

Whither Bangladesh? I hail from Brahmanbaria, and there was a time (not in the remote past; only ten years back)when these fanatic anti-liberation forces would even hesitate to holda public meetings for fear of backlash from the pro-liberation forces. Their political meetings and discussions used to be held clandestinely or in the parlour of their own houses. But within ten years they have been able to foil a program organised to celebrate our historic Victory Day. Are we going to lose our sovereignty in the near future?

The sacred soil of Brahmanbaria is soaked with the blood of many martyrs. It was Brahmanbaria which had to endure the first onslaught of Pak army`s air attack on Babgladesh`s liberated areas in mid April, 1971. Brahmanbaria had had a heavy concentration of freedom fighters even before the liberation war effectively got organised. Valiant freedom fighters like Khaled Mosarraf, Haider were then stationed at or near Brahmanbaria with their own contingent of Bengali troops and freedom fighters who had already joined them. The memory of those days is still vivid in my mind. It was possibly mid April. The Pak army in heavy formation was advancing towards Brahmanbaria from Comilla Cantonment. At Uzani Shahar(Uzani Shahar, eight miles south of Brahmanbaria, became famous through the publicity it got during the liberation war over Shwadhin Bangla Betar Kendra) where there is a long bridge over the river Titas on Chittagong-Sylhet highway, the advancing Pak army faced first resistance after advancing about forty miles out of Comilla Cantonment. Overrunning the ill-equipped freedom fighters the Pak army continued advancing toward Brahmanbaria. While the freedom fighters were engaged in front-fighting at Uzani Shahar, some four sabre jets from Pakistan Air Force strafed Brahmanbaria to facilitate Pak army`s advance into Brahmanbaria town. Bombing was conducted in a number of sorties. There were a few civilian casualties from the bombings. Entering the town, the Pak army resorted to indiscriminate killings, looting, arson and rape. I myself nurtured to consciousness many raped victims. The whole town was set ablaze, and smoke bellowing out of the burned houses and buildings could be seen even twenty miles from the town. This way the people of Brahmanbaria made solid contribution to the War of Independence at the very nascent stage of our liberation war.

During the war many local intellectuals were kidnapped by the Pak army and their helping cohorts -- Razakars. They were massacred at Kuruliar Khal, which is another Rayer Bazaar where many intellectuals were killed. During the war Brahmanbaria lost its own history and entity. The Pakistani administration renamed it Rahman Baria to Islamise it (Brahmanbaria is a Hindu name).

As Brahmanbaria borders on India, its whole border-belt from Salada Nadi (also became famous for its being a bloody battlefield during the war; at Kullapathar, near Shalda Nadi there is a war cemetery where many unknown freedom fighters are in eternal sleep) to Telia Para (another famous battlefield) turned into an active battle front during the whole period of the war. Innumerable freedom fighters, civilians and freedom-loving people laid down their lives. Besides, as it was a battle front, the people of Brahmanbaria had to live under constant threat and endure the trauma of the war.

At the fag end of the war in early December Brahmanbaria had to bear the brunt of a full-scale war. Akhaura, only 10 miles from Brahmanbaria town, was the main battle ground where the Pak army fought the allied army and the Muktibahini. The defeated Pak army retreated through Brahmanbaria Town, and before retreating they caused colossal damage to life, property and infrastructure. The retreating Pak army abandoned two of their tanks at Brahmanbaria; one of them is preserved at the local Niaz Park as a memento to the sacrifice the people of Brahmanbaria made during the war. Besides, a war memorial in memory of the martyred freedom fighters of Brahmanbaria has been erected at Niaz Park. The memorial, situated at the scenic and serene Niaz Park, symbolises the sacrifice the people of Brahmanbaria made for our freedom.

This is Brahmanbaria that reverberates with the heroic saga of our freedom struggle. But it is ironic that before the blood of our valiant martyrs dries up, the long hands of killers have outstretched their claws to tarnish its history. I fear that day may not be far when the fanatic forces will lay their ominous hand on the whole of Bangladesh. Wake up, our freedom-loving people. It is time to rise up from our slumber to resist those killers.

MRAH3@MFS04.cc.monash.edu.au

I just finished reading the latest comments posted by Muneezae Alam Khan. While it has been said that the victors write history, it is apparent to me that Pakistan has been writing its own version of revisionist history that has kept a significant fraction of Pakistanis ignorant as to what transpired during the days of 1971 that eventually led to the independence of Bangladesh.

The disenchantment and resentment of the Bengalis to the ruling West Pakistani Military/Political Oligarchy has many sources: colonialist domination, political hegemony, economic exploitaition, and last but not least a disgusting racist attitudes towards Bengali. The last is very obvious from her statement ending ``never trust a Benagli``. It is difficult to engage in rational discourse with people who maintain such bigoted views, because in their clouded and narrow weltanschauung, no amount of hard facts or evidences will ever cause them to perceive and comprehend the facts as they actually are.

Muneezae asserts that the Bengalis were rebels and hence were treated like rebels. Here are some incontrovertial facts. Sheikh Mujib and the Awami League was elected with an overhwhelming mandate to become the Prime Minister of United Pakistan. The 6 point program under which the AL won the elections did not call for independence. They were quite willing to work within the united Pakistan framework while ensuring some degree of autonomy so as to prevent the repetation of the exploitation of the East by the West since the birth of Pakistan. It was the ruling hegemony of West Pakistan fearing their loss of power that decided to make every attempt to nullify the results of a democratic elections. While Sheikh Mujib was still negotiating in good faith to be the Prime Minister of United Pakistan, West Pakistani troops were being flown in. The negotiations were used as a stalling tactics until the military had enough troops to undertake an orgy of murder and mayhem with the goal of making sure the Bengalis never are able to assert themselves again. It was only after the blood-bath perpetrated on the night of March 15 that Pakistan as existed before were dead. So if we wish to debate semantics, it was the Pakistani army who ``rebelled`` against a democratically elected leader.

Here is an excerpt from the London Times:

(London, 6/13/71). The Sunday Times.

The Government`s policy for East Bengal was spelled out to me in the Eastern Command headquarters at Dacca. It has three elements:

1.The Bengalis have proved themselves unreliable and must be ruled by West Pakistanis;

2.The Bengalis will have to be re-educated along proper Islamic lines. The -Islamization of the masses - this is the official jargon - is intended to eliminate secessionist tendencies and provide a strong religious bond with West Pakistan;



3.When the Hindus have been eliminated by death and fight, their property will be used as a golden carrot to win over the under privileged Muslim middle-class. This will provide the base for erecting administrative and political structures in the future.

The aim and intentions of the Pakistani Army is evidently clear here. It wasn`t just matter of fighting a ``rebellion``. It was a deliberately planned attempt to subjugate the ``secessionist`` Bengalis by ruthlessly engaging in genocide. How else does one define the deaths of between 1-3 millions civilians?

Least you doubt the veracity of any of these statistics and data please do point your browser to http://www.virtualbangladesh.com/bd_history.html

There is a significant collection of independent reports that provide incontrovertial evidence of the genocide perpetrated upon the Bengali civilian population. As an example: Newseek on 3/2/72 put forth a figure of 1.5 million. The National Geographic September 1972 issue puts the number at 3 million.

Are you actually going to sit there and condone these acts of the Pakistani Army as justifiable in any context?

Yes, there will be an accounting for these crimes.

Remember Nuremberg.

Remember what the British Prime minster recently said with respect to the Kosovo situation: ``There is no statute of limitaions on genocide``.

- Zunaid Kazi