Shandana Minhas September 27, 2000
#105 Posted by krashid on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
To all!
Even if Sadhna is on payroll of RAW let her earn her share.
There are armymen earning their share by killing Kashmiris.
It is one`s own choice, whether they want to earn by selling their conscience for little money. Or if they are fool enough to be patriotic, let them. Todays guns in Kashmir and Assam will be used somewhere else tomorrow. As it has been used in past in Punjab and Tamil and Nagaland etc.
Let some people die like lion. Let some people live like jackal.
But I don`t think Sadhna can be a RAW agent.
It will be great injustice to all interactors on Chowk who are here to discuss their thoughts freely.
Even if Sadhna is on payroll of RAW let her earn her share.
There are armymen earning their share by killing Kashmiris.
It is one`s own choice, whether they want to earn by selling their conscience for little money. Or if they are fool enough to be patriotic, let them. Todays guns in Kashmir and Assam will be used somewhere else tomorrow. As it has been used in past in Punjab and Tamil and Nagaland etc.
Let some people die like lion. Let some people live like jackal.
But I don`t think Sadhna can be a RAW agent.
It will be great injustice to all interactors on Chowk who are here to discuss their thoughts freely.
#104 Posted by ylh on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
Pragmatix
Well sir that is our counter to fantastic Hindoo-fundoo conspiracy...(Gandhi-Ataullah shah bukhari alliance 1930)
We send the fundoos against the Hindoos in Kashmir ... so that the fundoos get what they want .. sending Hindoos to hell and getting heaven for themselves...
As for us the secular Pakistanis, followers of the so called ``KafireAzam`` Jinnah, are sitting on the sideline watching this war between the followers of the devout ``Mahatma`` and the remnants of the Ahrar Party ... only 70 years ago the bapus of both sides had set out as allies against the secular Godless Muslim in name so called Kafir e Azam Jinnah ... we can only sit aside and smile
Politics!
Well sir that is our counter to fantastic Hindoo-fundoo conspiracy...(Gandhi-Ataullah shah bukhari alliance 1930)
We send the fundoos against the Hindoos in Kashmir ... so that the fundoos get what they want .. sending Hindoos to hell and getting heaven for themselves...
As for us the secular Pakistanis, followers of the so called ``KafireAzam`` Jinnah, are sitting on the sideline watching this war between the followers of the devout ``Mahatma`` and the remnants of the Ahrar Party ... only 70 years ago the bapus of both sides had set out as allies against the secular Godless Muslim in name so called Kafir e Azam Jinnah ... we can only sit aside and smile
Politics!
#103 Posted by ylh on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
Rediff special
http://www.rediff.com/news/1998/sep/10jinna2.htm
Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic State to be
ruled by priests with a divine mission`
Jinnah`s ideas about Pakistan
remained vague. Vagueness
was both the strength and weakness of the
Pakistan movement. It became all things to
all men, drawing in a variety of people for
different reasons; but it also meant that once
Pakistan was achieved there would be no clear defining parameters.
During the last year or two of his life, Jinnah had begun to sharpen his
concept of Pakistan. He travelled extensively and spoke tirelessly on
radio and in public.
These speeches, together with what I have called this Gettysburg
address, reveal that several themes are repeated again and again. The
first is the unequivocal Islamic nature of Pakistan, drawing its
inspiration from the Quran and the holy Prophet. This is the vision of an
Islamic society which would be equitable, compassionate and tolerant,
and from which the `poison` of corruption, nepotism, mismanagement
and inefficiency would be eradicated. Pakistan itself would be based on
the high principles laid down by the Prophet in Arabia in the seventh
century. Although Jinnah had pointed out the flaws in Western-style
democracy, it was still the best-system of government available to
Muslims.
Jinnah unequivocally did not want a theocratic state run by mullahs. In a
broadcast to the people of the United States of America recorded in
February 1948, Jinnah made his position clear: `In any case, Pakistan is
not going to be a theocratic State to be ruled by priests with a divine
mission. We have many non-Muslims-Hindus, Christians and Parsees --
but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and
privileges as any other citizens and will play their rightful part in the
affairs of Pakistan.` When his enthusiastic admirers addressed him as
`Maulana Jinnah` he put them down, saying: `I am not a maulana, just
plain Mr Jinnah.`
Tolerance towards the minorities is another theme in his speeches.
Jinnah had regularly reminded his Muslims audiences of what Islam
maintains: `Our own history and our Prophet have given the clearest
proof that non-Muslims have been treated not only justly and fairly but
generously.`
Jinnah`s statements about the minorities (whether Muslims in India or
Hindus in Pakistan) are significant: `I am going to constitute myself the
Protector-General of the Hindus minority in Pakistan.` He spent his first
and only Christmas in December 1947 as a guest of the Christian
community, joining in their celebrations. In the one act he incorporated
the rituals of the minority community into Pakistani consciousness. (It is
a far cry from the somewhat pointed distancing of Pakistani leaders
from the rituals and customs of the minorities in contemporary
Pakistan.) Although pressed for time, in Dhaka he met a Hindu
delegation, in Karachi and Quetta a Parsee one, assuring them of his
intention to safeguard their interests.
The other theme was the need to check
provincialism which was already rearing
its head. In his speeches Jinnah stressed
the evils of provincialism, which he
warned would weaken the foundations of
the state, for example at Peshawar and
Dhaka. In Pakistan people assume that the movement for ethnic
assertion is recent, a product of Pakistan. On the contrary, such
movements existed before the creation of Pakistan, as is clear in a letter
to Jinnah of 14 May 1947, from G H Hidayatullah, a Sindhi leader
based in Karachi: `Some enemies of my wife and myself have been
making statements in the press that we two are advocating the principle
that Sind is for the Sindhis only. This is entirely false and baseless. Both
of us are ardent supporters of Pakistan, and we have given public
expression to this. Islam teaches universal brotherhood, and we entirely
subscribe to this ... All this is nothing but false propaganda on the part of
the enemies of the League.`
A week later, Abdus-Sattar Pirzada issued a statement making clear that
Pakistan would be the home for all Muslim immigrants from India:
`Sind has been the gateway of Islam in India and it shall be the gateway
of Pakistan too.`
Yet Jinnah sailed into an ethnic storm. In a momentous encounter in
Dhaka, the capital of the province of East Pakistan (the future
Bangladesh), he insisted that Urdu and Urdu alone would be the
national language, although he conceded the use of the provincial
language. Bengali students murmured in protest. The language
movement would grow and in 1952 protesting students would be killed
and provide the first martyrs. In time a far wider expression of ethnic
discontent would develop at the imagined and real humiliation coming
from West Pakistan and in particular the Punjab. But that was in the
future. Jinnah had for the time being hung on to his idea of a united
Pakistan, united in a political but also cultural sense.
When he made these speeches he was an old man, and he knew he
was dying; they were his last words. What makes a last testament valid
is the fact that the speaker is about to die, about to meet his maker. A
person`s last words are therefore considered authentic; event the law
accepts them as evidence. We can thus believe in the sincerity of
Jinnah`s speeches in the last months of his life which establish that he
was moving irrevocably towards his Muslim culture and religion.
Those who argue that Jinnah was cynical and
exploited religion and custom need to understand
the one year he had in Pakistan before he died.
Consider his position after the creation of Pakistan.
He was by far the most popular and most powerful
man in the country, the revered Quaid-I-Azam of
Pakistan, respected by millions of people. If he had
decided to defy tradition and custom, he would
have got away with it. He could have dressed, spoken or eaten in any
way he wanted and still been venerated. There was too much affection
for him to be shaken by anything.
The example of Kemal Ataturk, who rejected Muslim culture and
tradition in Turkey -- another father of the nation -- comes to mind. But
Jinnah took the opposite route. He may have started life at one end of
the spectrum in terms of culture and tradition, but by the finish he was
at the other end of it.
http://www.rediff.com/news/1998/sep/10jinna2.htm
Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic State to be
ruled by priests with a divine mission`
Jinnah`s ideas about Pakistan
remained vague. Vagueness
was both the strength and weakness of the
Pakistan movement. It became all things to
all men, drawing in a variety of people for
different reasons; but it also meant that once
Pakistan was achieved there would be no clear defining parameters.
During the last year or two of his life, Jinnah had begun to sharpen his
concept of Pakistan. He travelled extensively and spoke tirelessly on
radio and in public.
These speeches, together with what I have called this Gettysburg
address, reveal that several themes are repeated again and again. The
first is the unequivocal Islamic nature of Pakistan, drawing its
inspiration from the Quran and the holy Prophet. This is the vision of an
Islamic society which would be equitable, compassionate and tolerant,
and from which the `poison` of corruption, nepotism, mismanagement
and inefficiency would be eradicated. Pakistan itself would be based on
the high principles laid down by the Prophet in Arabia in the seventh
century. Although Jinnah had pointed out the flaws in Western-style
democracy, it was still the best-system of government available to
Muslims.
Jinnah unequivocally did not want a theocratic state run by mullahs. In a
broadcast to the people of the United States of America recorded in
February 1948, Jinnah made his position clear: `In any case, Pakistan is
not going to be a theocratic State to be ruled by priests with a divine
mission. We have many non-Muslims-Hindus, Christians and Parsees --
but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and
privileges as any other citizens and will play their rightful part in the
affairs of Pakistan.` When his enthusiastic admirers addressed him as
`Maulana Jinnah` he put them down, saying: `I am not a maulana, just
plain Mr Jinnah.`
Tolerance towards the minorities is another theme in his speeches.
Jinnah had regularly reminded his Muslims audiences of what Islam
maintains: `Our own history and our Prophet have given the clearest
proof that non-Muslims have been treated not only justly and fairly but
generously.`
Jinnah`s statements about the minorities (whether Muslims in India or
Hindus in Pakistan) are significant: `I am going to constitute myself the
Protector-General of the Hindus minority in Pakistan.` He spent his first
and only Christmas in December 1947 as a guest of the Christian
community, joining in their celebrations. In the one act he incorporated
the rituals of the minority community into Pakistani consciousness. (It is
a far cry from the somewhat pointed distancing of Pakistani leaders
from the rituals and customs of the minorities in contemporary
Pakistan.) Although pressed for time, in Dhaka he met a Hindu
delegation, in Karachi and Quetta a Parsee one, assuring them of his
intention to safeguard their interests.
The other theme was the need to check
provincialism which was already rearing
its head. In his speeches Jinnah stressed
the evils of provincialism, which he
warned would weaken the foundations of
the state, for example at Peshawar and
Dhaka. In Pakistan people assume that the movement for ethnic
assertion is recent, a product of Pakistan. On the contrary, such
movements existed before the creation of Pakistan, as is clear in a letter
to Jinnah of 14 May 1947, from G H Hidayatullah, a Sindhi leader
based in Karachi: `Some enemies of my wife and myself have been
making statements in the press that we two are advocating the principle
that Sind is for the Sindhis only. This is entirely false and baseless. Both
of us are ardent supporters of Pakistan, and we have given public
expression to this. Islam teaches universal brotherhood, and we entirely
subscribe to this ... All this is nothing but false propaganda on the part of
the enemies of the League.`
A week later, Abdus-Sattar Pirzada issued a statement making clear that
Pakistan would be the home for all Muslim immigrants from India:
`Sind has been the gateway of Islam in India and it shall be the gateway
of Pakistan too.`
Yet Jinnah sailed into an ethnic storm. In a momentous encounter in
Dhaka, the capital of the province of East Pakistan (the future
Bangladesh), he insisted that Urdu and Urdu alone would be the
national language, although he conceded the use of the provincial
language. Bengali students murmured in protest. The language
movement would grow and in 1952 protesting students would be killed
and provide the first martyrs. In time a far wider expression of ethnic
discontent would develop at the imagined and real humiliation coming
from West Pakistan and in particular the Punjab. But that was in the
future. Jinnah had for the time being hung on to his idea of a united
Pakistan, united in a political but also cultural sense.
When he made these speeches he was an old man, and he knew he
was dying; they were his last words. What makes a last testament valid
is the fact that the speaker is about to die, about to meet his maker. A
person`s last words are therefore considered authentic; event the law
accepts them as evidence. We can thus believe in the sincerity of
Jinnah`s speeches in the last months of his life which establish that he
was moving irrevocably towards his Muslim culture and religion.
Those who argue that Jinnah was cynical and
exploited religion and custom need to understand
the one year he had in Pakistan before he died.
Consider his position after the creation of Pakistan.
He was by far the most popular and most powerful
man in the country, the revered Quaid-I-Azam of
Pakistan, respected by millions of people. If he had
decided to defy tradition and custom, he would
have got away with it. He could have dressed, spoken or eaten in any
way he wanted and still been venerated. There was too much affection
for him to be shaken by anything.
The example of Kemal Ataturk, who rejected Muslim culture and
tradition in Turkey -- another father of the nation -- comes to mind. But
Jinnah took the opposite route. He may have started life at one end of
the spectrum in terms of culture and tradition, but by the finish he was
at the other end of it.
#102 Posted by sb on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
satyavadi:#91
I take exception to any anal-retentive self-denial (forgive me for adding the Merriam-Webster`s definition here - ``a restraint or limitation of one`s own desires or interests``). But for all we know, they are racing with time to self-destruct. As we will - if we dont `act` on issues like Bengal floods and Andhra farmers` suicide, that happen year after year after year. (And then there`s the public accountability of the leaders.)
#101 Posted by ylh on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
A much more pressing concern of mine ....
Jinnah, Ataturk and Musharraf
By Kunwar Idrisp>
IN admiring Kamal Ataturk, General Pervez Musharraf was in an illustrious company - that of Mohammad Ali Jinnah. By
apologetically retracting from that admiration, Musharraf has fallen back into the ranks of countless soldiers and politicians
who let expediency have better of their conviction and thus lost their place in history.
Disillusioned by the trends of Indian politics and futile deliberations in the first roundtable conference, Mr Jinnah settled
down in London to practise law in the Privy Council. The second roundtable conference, which too he attended, only
added to that disillusionment for it found no solution to communal representation. He decided not to return to India.
It was Kamal Ataturk`s biography ``Grey Wolf``, published in 1932, that rekindled in him an urge to return to the turmoil of
Indian politics, leaving the comfort of Hampstead and the frolicsome company of his only teen-age daughter Dina.
If Ataturk could transform Turkey from a decadent sultanate under the tutelage of Western powers to an enlightened nation-
state, Jinnah thought he could do the same for the Indian Muslims. What Kamal had achieved on horse-back he could
achieve on the conference table, yet Jinnah shared Kamal`s vision of a state which was free both from external intervention
and internal bigotry.
Turkey is a part of Europe. Pakistan is far away. With that difference in culture but shared history the two countries should
have evolved as nation-states with similar interests and goals. That idea got a short-lived fillip on Musharraf assuming
power. It has since been squelched, it appears, for a long time to come. The Turkish prime minister has now floated the
concept of a secular bloc common to Europe and Asia in which Turkey and India should play a leading role. Speaking at
Tagore`s Shantiniketan, Bulent Ecevit said the world`s second largest Muslim population was living in peace in India only
because of Indian`s democratic and secular way of life. He chose not to mention Shiv Sena and Bal Thackray, the mortal
enemies of the Muslims, because the state disowns them.
Turkey was Pakistan`s best friend and oldest ally. Now it is seeking a new comprehensive alliance with India while ECO
(old RCD) and Cento lie moribund. There could be no greater political and emotional setback for Pakistan. Turkey is not
alone in that. Viewed in terms of trade and investment, perhaps, every Muslim country, with the exception of the Taliban`s
Afghanistan, is now closer to India than to Pakistan.
There could be no severer verdict on Pakistan`s failure in pursuit of Pan-Islamism and Jihad. For our own people, the state
intervention in matters religious has divided them on sectarian lines at the cost of national cohesion and economic progress.
To win the state patronage, even the sects have splintered. A conference of the majority sect at Multan, which its sponsors
claimed was international in character and attended by a million, was described by the Noorani group of the same sect as
``nothing more than an April fool joke.`` Ironically, the conference demanded the restoration of the usurped rights of the
majority sect. If that is the feeling of the 80 per cent of the population, the grievances of the remaining 20 per cent spread
over many sects and religions can be well imagined. The situation clearly demands an immediate and complete end of the
state`s involvement in religion.
The advent of the Islamic new year has been marked by three sectarian deaths and terrorist bombings. Preceding that were
long lists of religious scholars and orators published by the provincial governments and district magistrates banning their
entry or externing them. They all preach harmony but inflame passions to murder.
Schism has become a part of Islam as it has of all religions. Left to be debated in seminaries it imparts vigour to faith which,
in turn, helps in contending with the challenges posed by the changing times without abandoning the basic tenets of the
belief. In Pakistan, the state in its ambition to become the arbiter of faith has impaled itself on the hook of sectarianism at
home and terrorism abroad.
Every citizen and institution must now contemplate whether the doctrine of combining state with religion, which Pakistan
has increasingly followed, has made us morally better and materially more prosperous than every other Muslim country
which has kept the two apart, with Malaysia at one end and Tunisia at the other
Jinnah, Ataturk and Musharraf
By Kunwar Idrisp>
IN admiring Kamal Ataturk, General Pervez Musharraf was in an illustrious company - that of Mohammad Ali Jinnah. By
apologetically retracting from that admiration, Musharraf has fallen back into the ranks of countless soldiers and politicians
who let expediency have better of their conviction and thus lost their place in history.
Disillusioned by the trends of Indian politics and futile deliberations in the first roundtable conference, Mr Jinnah settled
down in London to practise law in the Privy Council. The second roundtable conference, which too he attended, only
added to that disillusionment for it found no solution to communal representation. He decided not to return to India.
It was Kamal Ataturk`s biography ``Grey Wolf``, published in 1932, that rekindled in him an urge to return to the turmoil of
Indian politics, leaving the comfort of Hampstead and the frolicsome company of his only teen-age daughter Dina.
If Ataturk could transform Turkey from a decadent sultanate under the tutelage of Western powers to an enlightened nation-
state, Jinnah thought he could do the same for the Indian Muslims. What Kamal had achieved on horse-back he could
achieve on the conference table, yet Jinnah shared Kamal`s vision of a state which was free both from external intervention
and internal bigotry.
Turkey is a part of Europe. Pakistan is far away. With that difference in culture but shared history the two countries should
have evolved as nation-states with similar interests and goals. That idea got a short-lived fillip on Musharraf assuming
power. It has since been squelched, it appears, for a long time to come. The Turkish prime minister has now floated the
concept of a secular bloc common to Europe and Asia in which Turkey and India should play a leading role. Speaking at
Tagore`s Shantiniketan, Bulent Ecevit said the world`s second largest Muslim population was living in peace in India only
because of Indian`s democratic and secular way of life. He chose not to mention Shiv Sena and Bal Thackray, the mortal
enemies of the Muslims, because the state disowns them.
Turkey was Pakistan`s best friend and oldest ally. Now it is seeking a new comprehensive alliance with India while ECO
(old RCD) and Cento lie moribund. There could be no greater political and emotional setback for Pakistan. Turkey is not
alone in that. Viewed in terms of trade and investment, perhaps, every Muslim country, with the exception of the Taliban`s
Afghanistan, is now closer to India than to Pakistan.
There could be no severer verdict on Pakistan`s failure in pursuit of Pan-Islamism and Jihad. For our own people, the state
intervention in matters religious has divided them on sectarian lines at the cost of national cohesion and economic progress.
To win the state patronage, even the sects have splintered. A conference of the majority sect at Multan, which its sponsors
claimed was international in character and attended by a million, was described by the Noorani group of the same sect as
``nothing more than an April fool joke.`` Ironically, the conference demanded the restoration of the usurped rights of the
majority sect. If that is the feeling of the 80 per cent of the population, the grievances of the remaining 20 per cent spread
over many sects and religions can be well imagined. The situation clearly demands an immediate and complete end of the
state`s involvement in religion.
The advent of the Islamic new year has been marked by three sectarian deaths and terrorist bombings. Preceding that were
long lists of religious scholars and orators published by the provincial governments and district magistrates banning their
entry or externing them. They all preach harmony but inflame passions to murder.
Schism has become a part of Islam as it has of all religions. Left to be debated in seminaries it imparts vigour to faith which,
in turn, helps in contending with the challenges posed by the changing times without abandoning the basic tenets of the
belief. In Pakistan, the state in its ambition to become the arbiter of faith has impaled itself on the hook of sectarianism at
home and terrorism abroad.
Every citizen and institution must now contemplate whether the doctrine of combining state with religion, which Pakistan
has increasingly followed, has made us morally better and materially more prosperous than every other Muslim country
which has kept the two apart, with Malaysia at one end and Tunisia at the other
#100 Posted by Prem on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
I have found it. My self respect is back. Since I post so rarely, I must be the only authentic person here.
All the rest of you are letter-writing corporations. The question is, does IRS know?
sac,
You, however, punctured my overextended balloon. All these years, being an ugly was burden enough. Now that I realize I may be the only ugly north Indian amidst an ocean of good-lookers, I am crestfallen.
More seriously, since we are talking of generalizations (and it is true--all my Sindhi friends, in the US and in India, are *$&@!-ly rich!), how about this one?
While Pakistanis and (with at least one exception) north Indians cornered the ``looks,`` south Indians and Bengalis (despite Jyoti Basu)walked away with the ``brains.``
Is that too ``inflammatory?`` :)
All the rest of you are letter-writing corporations. The question is, does IRS know?
sac,
You, however, punctured my overextended balloon. All these years, being an ugly was burden enough. Now that I realize I may be the only ugly north Indian amidst an ocean of good-lookers, I am crestfallen.
More seriously, since we are talking of generalizations (and it is true--all my Sindhi friends, in the US and in India, are *$&@!-ly rich!), how about this one?
While Pakistanis and (with at least one exception) north Indians cornered the ``looks,`` south Indians and Bengalis (despite Jyoti Basu)walked away with the ``brains.``
Is that too ``inflammatory?`` :)
#99 Posted by ylh on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
Also I believe that what Ali meant was that generally Sadna`s posts are much more frequent. SUrely you can go back and take the statistics for the last 50 articles or even a hundred and you will see that my average posts/article fall dramatically ....
Yasser
Yasser
#98 Posted by ylh on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
Satyavadi
And by the way, I believe that there is a Hindoo fundoo conspiracy not a Hindu jewish conspiracy ..
Hindoo fundoo conspiracy suggests a devious alliance between Islamic and Hindu fundamentalists against Pakistan...
I had originally suggested it as a jest... but the more you read objective or even anti Pakistan history (eg Wilfred Cantfield Smith), you can observe it clearly...
I wonder what the great ``secular`` Mahatma was doing allying himself with the Islamic Fundamentalist ``Ahrar`` party against the ``Kafir-e-Azam`` Mr Jinnah????? in the early 30s.
Ref Cantfield`s book Modern Islam in India ...
Seriously the book is one heck of a biased opinionated crap but facts do betray the truth sometimes...
Anyway Mr Satyavadi .. my invitation is open to you.
Yasser Hamdani
And by the way, I believe that there is a Hindoo fundoo conspiracy not a Hindu jewish conspiracy ..
Hindoo fundoo conspiracy suggests a devious alliance between Islamic and Hindu fundamentalists against Pakistan...
I had originally suggested it as a jest... but the more you read objective or even anti Pakistan history (eg Wilfred Cantfield Smith), you can observe it clearly...
I wonder what the great ``secular`` Mahatma was doing allying himself with the Islamic Fundamentalist ``Ahrar`` party against the ``Kafir-e-Azam`` Mr Jinnah????? in the early 30s.
Ref Cantfield`s book Modern Islam in India ...
Seriously the book is one heck of a biased opinionated crap but facts do betray the truth sometimes...
Anyway Mr Satyavadi .. my invitation is open to you.
Yasser Hamdani
#97 Posted by ylh on September 29, 2000 8:52:31 pm
Satyavadi
You arguing baselessly. Yes the undivided Punjab had 48% minority population...
NWFP had almost close 99% Muslim Population.
Baluchistan had 100% Muslim population. Sindh had
close to 75% Muslim population...
Adding up the prepartition Punjab province, Sindh Province, NWFP, and Baluchistan had ``71%`` Muslim population. So the total minority population in in the state of Pakistan would have been 29% ... had
PUNJAB stayed entirely with Pakistan. Now when Punjab was partitioned, a majority of Non Muslims
who by an estimate would have made up 10% of west Pakistan or the current Pakistan ... left for India... The remaining are what we have today.
Unlike what you want to believe, no we didnot start finishing off our minorities... I believe the charge is more valid in the case of Ahmadis
(who till then were seen as Muslims atleast by the constitution and also according to Jinnah).
Satyavadi you know what, I ll let bygones be bygones... I invite you to visit me in Pakistan and I ll show you around. You can judge for yourself the so called ``hatred`` and ``bias`` in Pakistan ... I believe you know my email address.
I ll take you to Nankana sahib, ranjeet singh`s tomb, Hassan Abdal, all the Hindu temples you want to see... and the churches... you will be able to judge for yourself.
Are you just going to turn the other cheek or will you in future (not within this year though I have a lot to do) choose to give me a chance to show you hospitality mine and Pakistan`s ,
Yours sincerely
Yasser Hamdani
You arguing baselessly. Yes the undivided Punjab had 48% minority population...
NWFP had almost close 99% Muslim Population.
Baluchistan had 100% Muslim population. Sindh had
close to 75% Muslim population...
Adding up the prepartition Punjab province, Sindh Province, NWFP, and Baluchistan had ``71%`` Muslim population. So the total minority population in in the state of Pakistan would have been 29% ... had
PUNJAB stayed entirely with Pakistan. Now when Punjab was partitioned, a majority of Non Muslims
who by an estimate would have made up 10% of west Pakistan or the current Pakistan ... left for India... The remaining are what we have today.
Unlike what you want to believe, no we didnot start finishing off our minorities... I believe the charge is more valid in the case of Ahmadis
(who till then were seen as Muslims atleast by the constitution and also according to Jinnah).
Satyavadi you know what, I ll let bygones be bygones... I invite you to visit me in Pakistan and I ll show you around. You can judge for yourself the so called ``hatred`` and ``bias`` in Pakistan ... I believe you know my email address.
I ll take you to Nankana sahib, ranjeet singh`s tomb, Hassan Abdal, all the Hindu temples you want to see... and the churches... you will be able to judge for yourself.
Are you just going to turn the other cheek or will you in future (not within this year though I have a lot to do) choose to give me a chance to show you hospitality mine and Pakistan`s ,
Yours sincerely
Yasser Hamdani
#96 Posted by Urstruly on September 29, 2000 7:50:32 pm
RE: Sadna
Atleast you take a joke like a man :)
Atleast you take a joke like a man :)
#95 Posted by sadna on September 29, 2000 5:59:25 pm
I`m not sure what has suddenly made me the `Hidden Hindu` in the recent interacts, but here is something they taught us in spy school(the enemy guys across the aisle used to chant it too)
``Muhabbat ki baazi me, tab lutf aaye
Na tum maat khaao na hum maat khaaye`n``
-someone else
Something to do with not ending up with MAD they said.
Sadhana
``Muhabbat ki baazi me, tab lutf aaye
Na tum maat khaao na hum maat khaaye`n``
-someone else
Something to do with not ending up with MAD they said.
Sadhana
#94 Posted by Urstruly on September 29, 2000 5:33:53 pm
RE: ali1# 69
There is no shred of doubt left in my mind man. Reply# 95 is worth noting.
There is no shred of doubt left in my mind man. Reply# 95 is worth noting.
#93 Posted by the_happy_one on September 29, 2000 4:27:14 pm
Re: Pathetic conspiracy theorists
Some people here have suggested that judging by the frequency of her responses, Sadhana must be working 60 hrs/ Wk and on the payroll of the dreaded RAW.
A few interesting statistics gleaned from the Rahil Khan board:
Total no. of responses: 577
Responses by Sadhana: 38
Responses by Ylh: 164
Ylh contributed almost 30% of the responses!!
If Sadhana`s responses can be construed as 60 hrs/ wk of work then Ylh`s would be 259 hrs/ Wk... that`s a full time staff of 6 people! Looks like the ISI has a whole cell devoted to Chowk headed by Ylh!
And another thing....
This time I wont use the expression `once and for all` because I know I am going to have to say this over and over again because nobody seems to get it.
This is not a Pakistani site.
OK ylh.... for your benefit... again:
This is not a Pakistani site.
So please stop asking Indians to leave this `Pakistani` site. What gives you more authority here than Sadhana? Why don`t you leave?
Regards.
P.S. Nobody but the Chowk Staff has any authority on who uses this space. Nobody! And the reason why they let Indians interact here is not because they are dildar generous Pakistanis who let the poor Indians come here out of the goodness of their heart! The reason why they let Indians interact here is the same one why they let Pakistanis interact here. Because here everyone is welcome. Is that tough to swallow?
Some people here have suggested that judging by the frequency of her responses, Sadhana must be working 60 hrs/ Wk and on the payroll of the dreaded RAW.
A few interesting statistics gleaned from the Rahil Khan board:
Total no. of responses: 577
Responses by Sadhana: 38
Responses by Ylh: 164
Ylh contributed almost 30% of the responses!!
If Sadhana`s responses can be construed as 60 hrs/ wk of work then Ylh`s would be 259 hrs/ Wk... that`s a full time staff of 6 people! Looks like the ISI has a whole cell devoted to Chowk headed by Ylh!
And another thing....
This time I wont use the expression `once and for all` because I know I am going to have to say this over and over again because nobody seems to get it.
This is not a Pakistani site.
OK ylh.... for your benefit... again:
This is not a Pakistani site.
So please stop asking Indians to leave this `Pakistani` site. What gives you more authority here than Sadhana? Why don`t you leave?
Regards.
P.S. Nobody but the Chowk Staff has any authority on who uses this space. Nobody! And the reason why they let Indians interact here is not because they are dildar generous Pakistanis who let the poor Indians come here out of the goodness of their heart! The reason why they let Indians interact here is the same one why they let Pakistanis interact here. Because here everyone is welcome. Is that tough to swallow?
#92 Posted by veeresh on September 29, 2000 3:07:56 pm
Actually I have it on good authority from the neighbourhood shaka that almost 80% of all Muslims in Pakistan are actually Hindus who changed name and religion after 1947 to grab land and camels and stuff like that . . . and that these guys are just waiting for a paradrop of khaki chaddees all over Karachi and Lahore and Multan and Changaa Mangaa and also Peshawar, Pindi and Kabul to come out true Hindus to make Akhand Bharat a reality from Teheran and baghdad on one side to hanoi on the other not to forget Solomon islands and Madagascar as well as Antartica, because proof has been found that Hinduism was the state religion in Socotra from where it went to Antarctica so all you real Muslim pakistanis on chowk need to start getting really really worried alternately you can buy your own khaki chaddees . . .
#91 Posted by Urstruly on September 29, 2000 12:56:42 pm
RE: Satyavadi # 89
See how a smile can work wonders. If others dont have one you give it to them :)
Fairdinkum:
That was just one of my covers-what you know ;)
See how a smile can work wonders. If others dont have one you give it to them :)
Fairdinkum:
That was just one of my covers-what you know ;)
#90 Posted by fairdinkum on September 29, 2000 12:48:47 pm
PS: Sadhna, yes, I was very disappointed today. Slightly depressed too… I was really looking forward to my trip. and you know it was for work too…but they still rejected me… they have no objections on goras going there…. That was really embarrassing for me ……. I guess I should have rang Advani first :)
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